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WHO IS FOR LIFTING THE COURTS' BANS ON PRAYER?

Riley M. Sinder & John K. Lopker


Excerpt from the forthcoming article

Anyone who needs a pre-publication copy of the entire article may write to Riley M. Sinder


FULL TEXT available from this link soon after publication
Copyright © 1999, 2003



Summary of the Empirical Evidence on Religion that the federal courts ignore


CONCLUSION:   CONSTRUCT THE CASE TO BRING PRAYER BACK TO THE SCHOOLS

     The American Civil Liberties Union has created an extralegal system of censorship by regularly intervening to stop prayer and thanksgiving.232   For example, where a seventeen-year-old girl "planned to lead a prayer that refers to 'God' twice and 'Lord' three times" in a graduation exercise, the Maryland ACLU intervened to force the school administrators to coerce the girl "to change her prayer to a 'time of reflection' that does not mention God."233   Instead of acquiescing, the girl might have filed a petition in federal court asking for a declaratory judgment that the Free Speech Clause protects her speech from the censorship of the school administrators and from the ACLU's threat to use the courts to ban mere speech.234

     The theory and organization of the case might proceed from the following observations.   First, those who attempt to stop prayer can show no injury as a matter of non-religious law--other than such non-religious injuries as from an ordinary non-religious tort on hearing ordinary non-religious speech.235   Hence, plaintiff who seeks to enjoin prayer has no non-religious standing to sue.236   Alternatively, following appropriate discovery of non- religious evidence, such as empirical data from medical and psychiatric observations, measurements, and records, the suit to enjoin prayer will not survive a summary judgment motion in a non-religious court because, with no non-religious injury to plaintiff, defendant will be entitled to a judgment as a matter of law.237

     Second, the federal court attempt to separate the churches from the states is an unconstitutional establishment of religion--namely the courts' establishment of the Jeffersonian Unitarian religious teachings that 1) a person should worship God only according to personal conscience and that 2) the religious speech in worshipping God is legally different from secular speech of the same sounds--and silences--made at the same volume with the same enunciation.238   Third, the task of getting federal judges to suspend their personal beliefs on religion and pay attention to the empirical evidence on religion resembles the daunting task of introducing the empirical evidence on witchcraft into seventeenth century courts.239   The modern federal courts repeatedly jump to grant some variation of biased holding against the empirical evidence on religion no matter what empirical evidence the parties present in court.240

     Fourth, the psychological forces that sustain the federal courts' bans on prayer apparently derive from the ancient American fear of legislatures tackling real moral issues--such as the very real wrongness of slavery, the very real wrongness of treating women as inferior, and the very real wrongness of trusting God to answer any prayer.   If "God" has some beneficial effect in the society, that benefit derives from the non-religious political effects of a totem, similar to the flag, the Constitution, or "freedom."241

     Accordingly, an appropriate suit can begin what America has long avoided--namely the public evaluation of sources for morals.   By design, the 1789 Constitution and the 1791 Bill of Rights shielded Americans from the pain of facing two threatening realities:   1) the wrongness of slavery and 2) the wrongness of trusting God.   The American Founders hid the wrongness of slavery under the principle of states' rights.242   And the Founders hid the wrongness of trusting God under the Establishment Clause: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion."

     Activists can be neutral.   The neutral activist does not plead a cause.   The neutral activist merely appeals to the conscience of the court.   One and one and one.   What do you get?


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Summary of the Empirical Evidence on Religion that the federal courts ignore


NOTES

 232 See, e.g., Lyndsey Layton, Graduates Split Over Invocation in Calvert:   Senior to Forgo Mention of God, WASH. POST, May 26, 1999, at B4 (describing the intervention of the Maryland ACLU to prevent a student's prayer at a high-school graduation exercise).   At times, righteous censors threaten a lawsuit as a means of preventing public scrutiny of reality, working a ban on offensive speech by prior restraint.   E.g., Bunis v. Conway, 234 N.Y.S.2d 435, 440 (N.Y. App. Div. 1962), appeal dismissed 237 N.Y.S.2d 993 (N.Y. 1963) (holding that "declaratory judgment actions" are appropriate to prevent "the creation of an extralegal system of censorship by the local police or prosecuting authorities," where the county prosecutor had threatened to prosecute a bookseller if the bookseller sold a copy of Henry Miller's Tropic of Cancer); Dearborn Pub. Co. v. Fitzgerald, 271 F. 479, 482, 486 (N.D. Ohio 1921) (granting the newspaper's preliminary injunction, ordering the city to stop threatening a lawsuit to censor racist statements, and saying "the limit of the city's power would be to conduct a prosecution for the specific offense thus committed, and not the establishment of a censorship in advance of publication").    (back to text)

 233 Layton, supra note 232, at B4.   In instituting the nation-wide bans on prayer, the ACLU serves as a surrogate for the state in both a quasi- legislative function and in a quasi-judicial function.   Id. (stating the official ACLU position that "prayers at school-sponsored events violate the constitutional separation of church and state no matter who leads them" and quoting Suzanne Smith of the Maryland ACLU in the act of extending the federal courts' rules banning prayer: "Having students lead [prayer] doesn't lessen the entanglement."); id. (reporting the ACLU's out-of-court intervention to enforce the ACLU's out-of-court expansion of the federal courts' bans on prayer, following a complaint by a student who wished to ban prayer from his graduation ceremony).   In threatening to sue to stop the speech that the federal courts have not explicitly banned, the ACLU violates the Constitution in an informal censorship by prior restraint.   See Bunis, 234 N.Y.S.2d at 439 (stating that an official who threatens an obscenity prosecution for selling a book that the courts have not found to be obscene has "imposed an informal censorship" in violation of the First Amendment; Chandler v. James, [* Cite to F.3d when published, or to LEXIS; Summary in West's Federal Case News, Volume 22, Number 31, July 30, 1999, complete text on FindLaw *] 11th Cir., No. 97-6898, July 13, 1999, Part III, near n.17 (vacating a federal court injunction against student-led and student-initiated prayer at a public- school official ceremony, and holding "that genuinely student- initiated religious speech must be permitted") (emphasis in original).    (back to text)

 234 See, e.g., Bunis, 234 N.Y.S.2d at 438-39 (explaining that, where there is no question of what "factually occurred or what is factually proposed to be done," a declaratory judgment is an appropriate remedy to determine whether an official's action is constitutional in using the threat of a lawsuit to ban a speech by prior restraint); Zeitlin v. Arnebergh, 383 P.2d 152, 155 (Cal. 1963) (concluding that a city attorney who threatens to sue the speaker for making the speech that the court has not yet ruled as "obscene" becomes a mere "indirect censor of public reading matter"); id. (finding that a declaratory judgment is appropriate where a censor works a prior restraint through threatening a lawsuit); id. at 165-66 (examining the empirical evidence filed with the complaint asking for declaratory judgment and determining that the Tropic of Cancer is not "hard-core pornography" as a matter of law).    (back to text)

 235 See supra Part II (arguing that, consistent with current federal court definitions, rulings, and findings, there can be no injury from prayer unless the federal courts violate the Constitution by establishing the dogmas of "religion," such as by accepting plaintiff's unsubstantiated claim: "My god is angry at me when I hear a Protestant Christian prayer").    (back to text)

 236 Heretofore, the Court has granted standing to ban prayer by adopting as true someone's religious beliefs about injury, contrary to available empirical and non- religious evidence--hardly, a non-religious standard for injury.   See, e.g., Schempp v. School Dist., 177 F. Supp. 398, 403 (1959) (basing the parents' standing on their having an interest in the "spiritual and religious development" of the children); Abington Sch. Dist. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203, 208 n.3, 224 n.9 (1963) (noting that the school children and their parents "are directly affected by the laws and practices against which their complaints are directed," but offering only religious arguments for finding an injury from the "Lord's Prayer" and not from the "Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag" when the empirical evidence indicated that the children's peers hurled the same hurtful political insults, such as "un-American" or "atheistic communism," either for refusing the Lord's Prayer or for refusing the Pledge of Allegiance to the Flag).    (back to text)

 237 See, e.g., Schuster v. U.S. News & World Report, 459 F. Supp. 973, 975 (1978) (stating that summary judgment is particularly appropriate for defendant when plaintiff sues merely because of an injury from what a speaker says), aff'd, 602 F.2d 850 (1979); Schuster, 459 F. Supp. at 978-79 (finding that additional evidence would not assist in determining whether defendant's actions caused an injury that the law would remedy, and granting defendant's summary judgment motion because any injuries plaintiff suffered were "not legally cognizable").    (back to text)

 238 See supra Part III (recounting the Founders' religious beliefs that gave rise to the Establishment Clause and to the Free Exercise Clause).   The federal courts have no non-religious reason to separate the churches from the states over the objections of the voter majority.   Compare supra Part I (summarizing the non-religious bases for finding an injury from speech) with supra Part II (identifying the religious reasons offered to find that mere speech causes injury).    (back to text)

 239 See supra Part I.A (recounting the over-three-hundred-year task to get courts to look to the empirical facts on the danger of actual harm rather than to the speaker's intent as a measure of injury).    (back to text)

 240 See supra Part IV.A (summarizing the empirical evidence that the Supreme Court ignored in leaping to the incorporation of the Establishment Clause); supra Part IV.B (detailing the empirical evidence that the Supreme Court ignored in banning teacher-led "prayers" from public schools); supra Part IV.C (outlining more than a thousand pages of empirical evidence that the federal courts ignored in granting and confirming a summary judgment motion banning the "balanced treatment" of creation and evolution in biology classes).    (back to text)

 241 See Board of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 632 (1943) (arguing that the flag and the crucifix operate by the same mechanism--by providing a "short cut" in communicating "from mind to mind"); id. at 632- 33 ("A person gets from a symbol the meaning he puts into it, and what is one man's comfort and inspiration is another's jest and scorn.").    (back to text)

 242 TRIBE, supra note 33, § 7-2, at 549 (characterizing "states' rights" as the "champion" of slavery).    (back to text)


Summary of the Empirical Evidence on Religion that the federal courts ignore


Copyright © 1999, 2000.
Riley M. Sinder & John K. Lopker.
All rights reserved.

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No part of this material may be copied or distributed, published, uploaded, posted, or transmitted in any way, without the owners' prior written consent.



November 22, 1999

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