Introduction-History
Significant Concepts Drawn from Book
Niccolo Machiavelli has been portrayed in the past five centuries as a supporter of tyrants, a hater of religion, and as close to Satan as a human can be. None of these are fair labels for a man who during his life was a devoted Italian nationalist and republican, nor for a book that portrayed humanity as it is, rather than as we would like to see ourselves. (Lerner xxx-xlvi, Mayr)
Niccolo Machiavelli was born on May 3, 1469, in the city of Florence. He was raised in a republican family and was educated at home, although he may have attended the University of Florence for several years. The first written record of Machiavelli dates from when he became second chancellor to the Florentine Republic in 1498. While employed at this post, he acted as a roving envoy for Florence to some of the major nations of the day: France, the Holy Roman Empire, the Papacy, and several Italian city states. He also was responsible for the founding of a citizen's militia in Florence. In 1512 Machiavelli was ousted from his post when the French captured Florence and restored the Medici to power. The next year Machiavelli was arrested for supposedly plotting against the government, and was thrown in prison, where he was tortured and released several months later. This began the writing section of Machiavelli's life. He penned the Prince soon after his release from jail, and soon after wrote his other two major works: The Discourses, a book on democracies, and The Art of War. In 1525, he was recalled to service by the Medici, but lost his job shortly later when the republic was restored (1469, "Machiavelli, Niccolo").
The Prince was not published until after Machiavelli's death, and his reason for writing it seems somewhat unclear. It was addressed to the Medicis, the same family which had him imprisoned and tortured months before the writing of the book. For this reason, some have speculated that it may be a satire or farce, but this does not explain his final chapter "Exhortation to Liberate Italy", in which he makes a call for a strong ruler to save Italy. The problems he refers to in this chapter were very real, for the citizens of Italy were suffering for lack of a central power. In his essay Mayr says "Machiavelli based his reasoning not on idealism, but rather on his understanding of political reality. For this reason Machiavelli may have been willing to sacrifice his dream of a Roman-style republic for the security and prosperity a unified Italy could provide.(Lerner xxx-xlvi, Fry, Ronk)
Whatever the motive for writing it, the Prince has influenced Western culture as few others have. Contained within this 100-page volume are the tools of modern political analysis, the idea of Realpolitik, and the seeds of nationalism. In the centuries to follow these ideas would shape both Europe and the world.(Lerner xxx-xlvi)
The Prince has been called the beginning of political science for good reason. It analyzed the way different power systems worked from a realistic point of view, counting human nature, and ignoring the supposed role of God in leadership. The first section of the book is devoted to the analyzation of the types of government used to gain and hold power. Machiavelli presents a series of political postulates that still hold true today.
In Machiavelli's view there are two types of governments: monarchies and democracies. The Discourses is written about democracies, so in the Prince Machiavelli focuses only exclusively on monarchies. Monarchies may be either inherited or newly acquired. In the first case, it is easier to hold. All a ruler has to do to keep the dominion is to do nothing out of the ordinary. It requires extraordinary forces to take his realm from him, and if the slightest misfortune befalls the new ruler, the old prince can easily take it back. This law is still shown through the massive advantages in elections that incumbents and those nominated by major political parties hold over candidates running on their own. (Lerner xxx-xlvi, Machiavelli )
New lands present various difficulties depending on their origin. Lands that are of similar culture are easily held, because they speak the same language and are used to the same laws. Other lands may require the leader to begin a colonization program or go and live there himself. Formerly free lands are the hardest to hold, for free people never forget the taste of freedom. According to Machiavelli, republics possess "greater life, greater hatred, and more desire for vengeance" (Machiavelli 18-19) than monarchies do. The only way to control republics is to despoil them or take up residence. A final method is to establish a government that is dependent upon the prince for military and economic support. A good example of this type of government is the creation of the Soviet satellite states during the late 1940s. (Machiavelli 5-19)
Machiavelli also analyzes the means by which one may acquire a completely new dominion. The first method is by personal ability or skill; military, political, or otherwise. Acquiring rulership by this method is difficult, but once power is gained, it is secure, for the ruler has control of the military and political system. The easiest method by which one may gain power is by fortune, or having it given to one. This creates an insecure position for the ruler, for he is dependent upon others' whims, has no experience ruling, and generally has no support within the country. In the last half-century the U.S. has proven this axiom to its discomfort, with its puppet governments failing in Iran and Nicaragua. Wickedness is a third method to gain power. Machiavelli does not applaud this, but nonetheless offers advice on how to secure power: commit all your cruelties at once, and spread your generosities out. (Machiavelli 19-34)
Machiavelli's second contribution to modern society was the idea that government was not governed by the same moral limitations as individual men. He is "the man who above all others taught the world to think in terms of cold political power."(Lerner xxxv) The ends always justify the ends when it comes to national affairs. Three hundred years later, Bismark would coin this political realism Realpolitik, and revolutionize political thinking.
A large portion of the Prince is devoted to general techniques and mind-sets that are necessary in becoming an effective ruler. Machiavelli's first claim is that being virtuous is not always the most effective means of ruling: "how men live is so different from how they ought to live that a ruler who does not do what is generally done, but persists in doing what ought to be done will undermine his power rather than maintain it." (Machiavelli 54) Also, If a ruler lives his life completely morally, he will be quickly overthrown by immoral techniques used by others. Therefore, all rulers should be prepared to resort to immoral methods should the good of the state justify them. While it is not always appropriate to act virtuously, it is also unwise to act excessively in morally. All men possess some vices, but a wise ruler should take care not to let his vices become so excessive that he is despised for them. (Machiavelli 54-55)
Generosity is one quality Machiavelli believes to be overrated, after all "the more you practice it, the less you will be able to continue to practice it" (Machiavelli 57). Generosity from a ruler benefits few, but hurts many. Giving aid to an individual or group requires taxes to be levied on the entire country, and may even hurt the group being aided. Many modern nations have suffered for ignoring this law, giving huge amounts of domestic and foreign aid they are unable to pay for in exchange for few tangible benefits. Eventually, overly generous rulers will come to be despised for it, for the people are being robbed to pay for the ruler's pet projects. Rulers that spend little on gifts are better able to maintain a military, fund domestic projects, and prepare for emergencies. (Machiavelli 55-58)
Keeping one's promises is a mistake, according to the Prince. Machiavelli wrote in 1513 that "experience shows that in our times the rulers who have done great things are those who have set little store in keeping their word."(Machiavelli 61), but it could just as easily have been written today. From Reagan's "I know nothing" about Iran Contra to George Bush's "no new taxes" to Bill Clinton's blanket claims of ignorance and innocence, no U.S. politician stays in office long without blatantly lying to the public. Machiavelli attributes public acceptance of hypocrisy to two factors: the foolishness and naivete of the general populace, and man's willingness to follow a winner despite the moral dilemmas. (Machiavelli 61-63)
One of the key elements to success in any regime is its use of cruelty. Rulers should try to appear merciful, but shouldn't be afraid to take cruel measures to ensure unity and stability. Public executions harm only a few, but serve as a strong deterrent. Riots should be dispersed with force before they gain too much momentum and begin damaging people and property. In the modern world, some states have taken this advice to heart and done very well with it. The crime rate in Saudi Arabia is among the lowest in the world, thanks to be-headings and severance of limbs. (Machiavelli 58-61)
Machiavelli is a great believer in fear as a motivator. He first explains that men are self-serving, and serve a ruler only while he benefits them. For this reason, no ruler should base his power solely on the promises of others, or he will be abandoned at the first signs of hardship. The ruler must give the people a reason to stay loyal to him, by reason of fear or love. In Machiavelli's view, love is a temporary bond based on gratitude, while fear is a permanent bond based on fear of punishment. Out of this view comes perhaps the most famous line of the Prince: "it is desirable to be both loved and feared, but it is difficult to achieve both and, if one of them has to be lacking, it is much safer to be feared than loved."(Machiavelli 59).
While Machiavelli encourages the fostering of fear and use of cruelty as methods of state policy, he warn against actions that will earn the hatred of the populace. The two main ways of earning hatred are taking property from men, or harming women. If he avoids these two sins, the populace will at least tolerate the ruler. A content populace is the surest method to stay in power. They protect one from foreign nations, foil conspiracies, and help in any endeavor one chooses to make.(Machiavelli 63-80)
In addition to critical analysis and Realpolitik ideology, Machiavelli also contributed to another movement in politics: nationalism. Machiavelli himself was certainly a nationalist: his use of Roman references throughout the Prince and his chapter on the "Exhortation to Free Italy"(Machiavelli 87) make this abundantly clear. Machiavelli's ideas contribute to nationalism in several ways: he encourages the development of a strong, centralized state, he discourages the use of mercenaries and foreign troops, and he encourages the conquering of areas of similar language and culture. Machiavelli's methods encourage a strong federalized government, one of the necessities for a modern western-style state. National unity in the west did not occur without strong leaders, and nearly all of those leaders were avowed students of Machiavelli: Napoleon, Jefferson, Lenin, Mussolini, and Hitler, to name a few (Lerner xxv-xlviii).
Machiavelli discouraged strongly the use of mercenaries and auxiliaries, for he believed they undermined the authority of the state. Mercenaries are unmotivated, save by money, and often abandon their employers during times of war. They have less skill and organization than other armies, even should they choose to fight. Auxiliaries are considered far more dangerous than mercenaries. They are a danger whether a prince wins or loses the battle, for the ruler that commands the loyalty of the auxiliaries will undoubtedly demand some payment for his assistance. The prince never truly has control of auxiliaries, and can never be sure they will not turn on him. Instead, Machiavelli encourages the creation of an army drawn from the populace, for they are motivated by defense of their homes and families, not simply money. This is the idea under which all modern armies have been patterned(Machiavelli 29-48). Machiavelli encouraged the unification of similar cultures under a single government, for it quite easily done under a competent ruler (Machiavelli 8). In the following centuries, strong warlords would arise in both Italy and Germany and, following Machiavelli's advice, would create unified nationalist states.
Lord Acton wrote that the "authentic interpreter of Machiavelli is the whole of later history." (Lerner xxxviii), and this can be substantiated by looking at the accomplishments of Machiavelli's students and disciples. The only two men to ever upset the power balance of Europe, Napoleon and Hitler, were devout followers of Machiavelli -- Hitler kept a copy by his bedside. Lenin created the Soviet government based on the rules established by the Prince. Thomas Jefferson's thoughts on federalized government were strongly influenced by the Prince's sister book, the Discourses.(Lerner xxxv-xlvi)
Machiavelli did not create immoral politicians, start the arms race, or invent the idea of falsehood in international relations. He simply revealed the way governments actually operated, thereby offending those in power, who feared the truth, and the masses, who were not willing to accept it. He helped create the stable government we in the West enjoy, yet his name has been drug through the mud by Shakespeare, he has been excommunicated by the Papacy, and he has been condemned by millions as a supporter of tyrants. Such is the fate of those who speak the truth.
Fry, David K. "Machiavelli was not Machiavellian" Online. Internet. Dec 3, 1997.
Available WWW: http://rhf.bradley.edu/liberty/mach.html
"Niccolo Machiavelli 1469 - 1527". Online. Internet. Dec 3,1997.
Available WWW: http://swift.eng.ox.ac.uk/jdr/mach.html
Mayr, "Machiavelli's 'Prince'".Online. Internet. Dec 3, 1997.
Available WWW: http://www.welch.jhu.edu/~hmayr/essays/machiav.htm
Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. Russell Price, trans. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1988
Lerner, Max. Introduction to: Niccolo, Machiavelli. The Prince and the Discourses. New York: Random House. 1950