FREE TIBET
The Statement of His Holiness The Dalai Lama
on the Thirty Seventh Anniversary
of Tibetan National Uprising Day
March 10, 1996
As we commemorate today the thirty seventh anniversary of the Tibetan
people's uprising, we are witnessing a general hardening of Chinese
government policy. This is reflected in an increasingly aggressive
posture toward the peoples of Taiwan and Hong Kong and in intensified
repression in Tibet. We are withnessing fear and suspicion throughout
the Asian-Pacific region, and a worsening of relations between China and
much of the rest of the world.
Within the context of this tense political atmosphere, Beijing has once
again sought to impose its will on the Tibetan people by appointing a
rival Panchen Lama. In doing so, it has chosen a course of total
disregard both for the sentiments of the Tibetan people in general and
for Tibetan spiritual tradition in particular, despite my every effort to
reach for some form of understanding and cooperation with the Chinese
government. Significantly, the official Chinese media compares the
present political climate in Tibet with that in Poland during the
Solidarity years of the 1980's. This demonstrates a growing sense of
insecurity on the part of the Chinese leadership as a result of which,
through a continuing campaign of coercion and intimidation, Beijing has
greatly reinforced its repression throughout Tibet. I am therefore
saddened to have to report that the situation of our people in Tibet
continues to deteriorate.
Nevertheless, it remains my strong conviction that change for the better
is coming. China is at a critical junction: its society is undergoing
profound changes and the country's leadership is facing the transition to
a new generation. It is obvious too that the Tiananmen massacre has
failed to silence the call for freedom, democracy and human rights in
China.
Moreover, the impressive democratization in process across the Taiwan
Strait must further invigorate the democratic aspirations of the Chinese
people. Indeed, Taiwan's historic first direct presidential elections
later this month are certain to have an immense political and
psychological impact on their minds. A transformation from the current
totalitarian regime in Beijing into one which is more open, free and
democratic is thus inevitable. The only outstanding question is how,
when and whether the transition will be a smooth one.
As a human being, it is my sincere desire that our Chinese brothers
and sisters enjoy freedom, democracy, prosperity and stability. As a
Buddhist monk, I am of course concerned that a country which is home
to almost a quarter of the world's entire population and which is on
the brink of an epic change, should undergo that change peacefully.
In view of China's huge population, chaos and instability could lead to
large-scale bloodshed and tremendous suffering for millions of people.
Such a situation would also have serious ramifications for peace and
stability throughout the world. As a Tibetan, I recognize that the
future of our country and our people depends to a great extent on what
happens in China during the years ahead.
Whether the coming change in China brings new life and new hope for
Tibet and whether China herself emerges as a reliable, peaceful and
constructive member of the international community depends to a large
degree on the extent to which the international community itself adopts
responsible policies toward China. I have always drawn attention to the
need to bring Beijing into the mainstream of world democracy and have
spoken against any idea of isolating and containing China. To attempt to
do so would be morally incorrect and politically impractical. Instead,
I have always counselled a policy of responsible and principled
engagement with the Chinese leadership.
It became obvious during the Tiananmen movement that the Chinese people
yearn for freedom, democracy, equality and human rights no less than any
other people. Moreover, I was personally very moved to see that those
young people, despite being taught that "political power comes out of the
barrel of a gun" pursued their aims without resorting to violence. I,
too, am convinced that non-violence is the appropriate way to bring about
constructive political change.
Based on my belief in non-violence and dialogue, I have consistently
tried to engage the Chinese government in serious negotiations concerning
the future of the Tibetan people. In order to find a mutually acceptable
solution, I have adopted a `middle- way' approach. This is also in
response to, and within the framework of, Mr. Deng Xiaoping's stated
assurance that "anything except independence can be discussed and
resolved." Unfortunately, the Chinese government's response to my many
overtures has been consistently negative. But, I remain confident that
his successors will realize the wisdom of resolving the problem of Tibet
through dialogue.
The Tibet issue will neither go away of its own accord, nor can it be
wished away. As the past has clearly shown, neither intimidation nor
coercion of the Tibetan people can force a solution. Sooner or later,
the leadership in Beijing will have to face this fact. Actually, the
Tibet problem represents an opportunity for China. If it were solved
properly through negotiation, not only would it be helpful in creating
a political atmosphere conducive to the smooth transition of China into
a new era but also China's image throughout the world would be greatly
enhanced. A properly negotiated settlement would furthermore have a
strong, positive impact on the people of both Hong Kong and Taiwan and
will do much to improve Sino-Indian relations by inspiring genuine trust
and confidence.
For our part, we seek to resolve the issue of Tibet in a spirit of
reconciliation, compromise and understanding. I am fully committed to
the spirit of the `middle-way approach'. We wish to establish a
sustainable relationship with China based on mutual respect, mutual
benefit and friendship. In doing so, we will think not only about the
fundamental interests of the Tibetan people, but also take seriously the
consideration of China's security concerns and her economic interests.
Moreover, if our Buddhist culture can flourish once again in Tibet, we
are confident of being able to make a significant contribution to
millions of our Chinese brothers and sisters by sharing with them those
spiritual and moral values which are so clearly lacking in China today.
Despite the absence of positive and conciliatory gestures from the
Chinese government to my initiatives, I have always encouraged Tibetans
to develop personal relationships with Chinese. I make it a point to ask
the Tibetans to distinguish between the Chinese people and the policies
of the totalitarian government in Beijing. I am thus happy to observe
that there has been significant progress in our efforts to foster closer
interaction amongst the people of our two communities, mainly between
exile Tibetans and Chinese living abroad. Moreover, human rights
activists and democrats within China, people like the brave Wei
Jingsheng, are urging their leaders to respect the basic human rights of
the Tibetan people and pledging their support of our right to self-rule.
Chinese scholars outside China are discussing a constitution for a
federated China which envisages a confederal status for Tibet. These
are most encouraging and inspiring developments. I am, therefore, very
pleased that the people-to-people dialogue between Tibetans and Chinese
is fostering a better understanding of our mutual concerns and interests.
In recent years we have also witnessed the growth of a world-wide
grass-roots movement in support of our non-violent struggle for freedom.
Reflecting this, many governments and parliaments have come forward with
strong expressions of concern and support for our efforts. Notwith-
standing the immediate negative reactions of the Chinese regime, I
strongly believe that such expressions of international support are
essential. They are vital in communicating a sense of urgency to the
minds of leadership in Beijing and in helping persuade them to negotiate.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous individuals,
the members of governments, of parliaments, of non-governmental
organizations and of religious orders who have supported my appeal for
the safety and freedom of the young Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima.
I am grateful for their continued intervention and efforts on behalf of
this child who must be the world's youngest political prisoner. I also
wish to thank our supporters all over the world who are commemorating
today's anniversary of the Tibetan people's uprising with peaceful
activities in every part of the globe. I urge the Chinese government
not to construe such support for Tibet as anti-Chinese. The purpose
and aim of these activities is to appeal to the Chinese leadership
and people to recognize the legitimate rights of the Tibetan people.
In conclusion, I am happy to state today that our exile community's
experiment in democracy is progressing well without any major setbacks
or difficulties. Last autumn, the Tibetans in exile participated in
preliminary polls to nominate candidates for the Twelfth Assembly of the
Tibetan People's Deputies, the parliament in exile. Next month, they
return to the polls to elect the members themselves. This accords with
my conviction that democracy is the best guarantee for the survival and
future of the Tibetan people. Democracy entails responsibilities as
well as rights. The success of our struggle for freedom will therefore
depend directly on our ability to shoulder these collectively. It is
thus my hope that the Twelfth Assembly will emerge as a united, mature
and dedicated representative of our people. This ultimately depends on
every franchised member of our community. Each one is called upon to
cast his or her vote with an informed and unbiased mind, with a clear
awareness of the need of the hour and with a strong sense of individual
responsibility.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who have died for
the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the suffering of
our people.
The Dalai Lama