OFFICIAL RECORDS:
Series 1, vol 27, Part 2
(Gettysburg Campaign)
Pages 931 - 939
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,Washington, July 20, 1863.
[Honorable E. M. STANTON:]
MY DEAR STANTON:
I sent you a bundle of letters from men of different views about the draft; they show a great conflict of opinion. My conclusion upon the whole matter is that you want as large a force in New York of loyal men as possible from this time until the draft is executed.
Faithfully, yours,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
[Inclosure Number1.]
GREEN POINT, N. Y. July 17, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD:
SIR: We, of Brooklyn, have been saved from the mob for the present by the prompt action of the citizens forming in military companies and squads, and showing a bold front to the murderers.
The Irish were ripe for revolt, and many Germans and dastardly Americans were encouraging them, and marking prominent Republicans for slaughter, but as the mob in New York gradually developed its disposition for indiscriminate pillage, American Democrats and even Copperheads began to join our ranks, not to enforce the draft (as they are all opposed to that), but to resist the mob and save their property. So that self-interest made them patriotic for once.
We (the Republicans) accepted the new issue at once, and welcomed our new allies to the ranks and to the drill, and the very men who for years have been telling us that we ought to be hung for our opinions, and who worked that idea into the minds of the barbarian Irish until they were ready to slaughter us, are now joined hand in hand with us, and God help the Irish now, if they raise their murderous hands in Brooklyn.
And that is not all; retaliation may be the order of the day ere long. There is a limit to the patience even of Republicans; the time may come when patience will cease to be a virtue, and I for one confess that I am very nearly at that state of mind.
You men in high places may philosophically receive the abuse of a vile and hireling press, knowing that it only serves to bring you into notice and strengthen you with all good people, but we of the rank and file, who elect Presidents and Senators and Representatives, we, I say, must receive the hootings, the slander, the malice, and brutality of the vile mob, and now we are marked for slaughter in every ward and village in the North, but more particularly in New York and Brooklyn.
In the name of God, of mercy, of law and order, then, give us Butler and martial law, and don`t for a moment suppose that the danger is over; the wolf has tasted blood, and he is not yet satiated. Yours, respectfully,
JOHN W. DIANNID [?].
[Inclosure Number 2.]
MECHANICS AND FARMERS` BANK,
Albany, July 16, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD:
MY DEAR SIR: I have written a letter to Governor Chase on the subject of the draft, and have asked him to bring it to the notice of the President and Cabinet. Please give it your attention, and do not allow us unnecessarily to be divided and cutting each other`s throats. Victory has crowned and is crowning our arms, and the Government can afford a graceful act at this critical moment. I congratulate you on our triumphs.
Yours, truly,
T. H. OLCOTT.
[Inclosure Number 3.]
ONONDAGA WALLEY, N. Y.,
July 15, 1863.
Honorable WN. H. SEWARD:
MY FRIEND: Yours of July 7 is received; "but woe" comes upon my country at this present time, and I must forbear excepting to say what I think for the benefit of the country. As I have been through the rural districts of this State, and talked freely with the" bone and sinew, " I have found them, with but two exceptions (and I caused them to be arrested), loyal and true to the existing Government, and utterly opposed to a change.
The chief thing I would impress upon your mind is this, that the "bone and sinew" are more with you than with some other departments of Government, though I have seen no person to say aught of Father Abraham. In regard to this late and to be deplored catastrophe at New York City, I must say the masses will sustain the Government, but they say that the conscription act was made rather to protect the rich than the poor, and that is all the complaint in any wise made.
If you need assistance, so far as men or means are concerned, you must telegraph (not through New York City, but up into Central New York), and I will fulfill all your commands to the extent of 10,000 reliable men, and those who are not disaffected with any concern in the conscription act. If worse comes to worse, and you need money or "bone and sinew, " let me know, and I will speedily come to your relief at any place you may designate. I have seen several of our Syracuse bank friends, and they assure me that the Government shall in no case lack money and means to sustain the Government. Let me hear from you by telegraph at Syracuse, N. Y. (not by New York City), and know I have yet a country, and if you personally need any assistance, let me know, and to the extent of my ability you and the country shall be sustained.
Very truly, thy friend,
WM. P. FORMAN.
[Inclosure Number 4.]
UTICA, July 15, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD:
DEAR SIR: Allow me to make a suggestion relative to the present threatening aspect of affairs in this and other Northern States. The bloodthirsty ruffians and thieves who are pillaging, murdering, firing, and stealing in the city of New York, are doing more mischief by their example in other places than by their devastations in New York. Almost everywhere meetings of Germans and Irish are being held to concoct measures to resist the draft, and the evil threatens to become spread over the whole country outside of the New England States. In the meetings just held by them in this city, no opposition to the draft, if conducted according to what they considered to be the principles of justice and equity, was expressed. The offensive feature was declared to be the privilege allowed to the rich to escape military service by the payment of the $300; a feature, they said, which was introduced into the conscription act expressly to relieve such persons, and which made even members of Congress willing to expose themselves to the draft, intending both to make a show of patriotism and to relieve themselves from it, if drafted. Of course, it is in vain to reason with men whose interests are so deeply involved, and who are unable to pay any sum, and it is clear that the authority of the Government must be maintained; for to yield to the opposition will be to destroy the confidence of the world in the stability of our institutions, and to succumb to this Copperhead device will be to ruin the Administration.
It seems to me that there is one way, and an effectual one, to disarm the opposition of all the honest opponents of the law, and to meet the seeming injustice of that exemptive provision. It is this: The statute expresses the object of the $300 provision to be, the procuration of a substitute for the person paying it; and it directs that he may pay to such person as the Secretary of War may authorize to receive it, such sum, not exceeding $300, as the Secretary may determine. Correctly understood, then, in authorizes the Secretary to designate an agent for the drafted men, who shall procure substitutes for such as pay a given sum.
Now, let the Secretary take the responsibility of saying, what it was once generally understood he did say, that he will not designate any such agent nor price; that each man drafted must serve or provide his own substitute, at such price as he can best arrange for, whether more or less than the largest sum fixed by law, and revoke the authority given to the tax collectors to receive the exemption fee. As the authority given the Secretary by the act is not imperative, he has the right to do this; and if there be any doubt, let him assume the responsibility of taking away all seemingly just cause for public irritation. Then the whole people will rally around the Government, with a full determination to uphold the law, without being weakened in their purpose by being compelled to admit that there is the appearance of oppression against the malcontents. The question before us is, Shall the fair North become a field of intestine war, or shall peace prevail, for intestine war is upon us. The importance of the subject has induced me to trespass upon your time.
I am, yours, respectfully,
THEO. SPENCER.
[Inclosure Number 5.]
WILKES BARRE, PA.,
[July -, 1863.]
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD:
DEAR SIR: I address you in pencil-mark, because I cannot see to use ink, and this is my apology. I feel a great interest in the success of the draft, because through this means the Government can raise a sufficient army to crush the rebellion in the South. If the draft cannot be carried out, then the Union must be dissolved unless prevented by the present army and navy.
I write to you, sir, for the purpose of stating the true feeling of the people in this part of Pennsylvania. The general sentiment is, that unless the National Government enforces the law promptly in New York City, punishing the leaders of the rioters, the draft cannot succeed anywhere. The National Government must manifest its power promptly and with great energy in New York, or all is lost. We will have revolution and bloodshed throughout the North. There is an armed organization in this Luzerne County, to resist the draft, which will be powerless provided the National power is successfully displayed in New York.
I pray that the Administration will stand firm; enforce the draft, and punish rebels in New York, and this example will save bloodshed and the Union. Depend upon it, sir, the draft cannot be enforced in this county if the Administration compromises with the rebels in New York. The loyal men here will not sustain the draft unless it is enforced in New York.
Yours, truly,
STEWART PEARCE.
[Inclosure Number 6.]
ROCHESTER, July 17, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD:
DEAR SIR: Rumor says the draft in the city of New York is suspended, and Governor Seymour intimates that it will not be resumed, and tells the people (the mob) that it is unnecessary; that volunteers can be obtained to answer the call without it. This is not to be credited, yet the mere possibility that it may be so should call out a universal remonstrance. If it were certain that no more men will be wanted, the draft in the city of New York should not be stopped at this time, upon the demand of the most barbarous, degraded, and beastly mob that ever disgraced any city. Governor Seymour must be mad or crazy to even suggest it. His love of power and desire for votes would not in his calmer moments, if not lost to reason, induce him to recommend a concession which would insure mob rule and make New York a hell, and the most formidable seat of the rebellion.
I will not presume to prompt you to resist the discontinuance of the draft, as I am sure you fully appreciate the evil consequences of it, and the lasting disgrace it would impose upon our country and its Government to succumb to mob rule. Already the devils that make mobs (and they are numerous in this city) are loud in their declarations that the draft is ended in New York, and will be resisted if attempted here. Stop the draft in New York, and I doubt if it can be enforced in any city in the State. Here it is certain a mob would resist, be the consequences what they may. Enforce it in New York, and resistance to it is ended elsewhere. The Union portion of the country is mourning in sackcloth and ashes at the escape of Lee and his army into Virginia. The defeat of Hooker at Chancellorsville was a small disappointment compared to it. The country was becoming impatient at Meade`s delay in attacking Lee, but assurances came daily from letter-writers on the spot that General Meade was master of the situation, and held the rebels within his grasp; that they could not escape. When they did, the disappointment was such that if the President had cut off the official head of General Meade, and thrown his corps commanders that opposed the attack into the Potomac, there would have been general rejoicing.
The general has omitted the tide that would have led him to fortune; it will require many victories to place him in public estimation where he stood at the close of the battle of Gettysburg. O that we had a general equal to the occasion, to lead the noble Army of the Potomac to reap, as it would, an immortal renown! The escape of Lee is a Godsend to the Democracy, making them more loud in their glorification of McClellan. With sentiments of high consideration, I am, your obedient servant,
THOMAS J. PATTERSON.
[Inclosure Number 7.]
NEWTON, N. J., July 18, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State:
DEAR SIR: I have learned this week much in relation to the state of affairs in New Jersey concerning the draft, which I deem it my duty to communicate through you to the Government, to the end that we may be spared the horrors of the New York riots.
On Monday last I went with my family to visit some friends in Trenton; returned yesterday, spending two days in Trenton; also visiting Elizabeth City, Newark, and Orange, seeing intelligent persons from other parts of the State, and have had abundant opportunities to learn facts, which I beg leave to lay before you.
In many parts of the State, especially in the cities and towns along the railroads and in the mining districts, there are large numbers of Irish, and I am convinced that they are organized in every part of the State to resist the draft, many of them armed, and the arming for this purpose has not been confined to them. I get my information from so many independent sources of information that I cannot doubt it. I know that in this town, and in other parts of this county and the adjacent county of Morris, among the iron and zinc mines, they are organized and armed. In this town several loyal citizens, both Democrats and Republicans, have been threatened with personal violence, and the destruction of their houses and stores. To produce this state of things, our Copperhead leaders have been engaged in holding meetings, beginning last March in Trenton, and extending to every part of the State, addressed by such men as Wall, Chauncey Burr, Tharin, Fernando Wood, and others of the same stamp, inflaming in every possible way the prejudices and passions of the people, and preparing their minds for an uprising at the concerted signal. We have had at least twelve such meetings in this county, one large one in this town, attended certainly by over 1, 500, and the others at night in the different townships. We have also in the State some of the worst papers in the country; the two worst here and at Newark.
The minds of the poor, even of Republicans, are terribly inflamed by the $300 clause in the enrolling act, the objections to which certainly have much force. A rich man, who without this might have had to pay $l, 000 or $2, 000, or more, for a substitute, can now get off for $300, and the poor, and those in middling circumstances, say they ought to have been left to make their own bargains, for they could have procured substitutes for less than $300. You can readily perceive how demagogues use this to inflame the poorer and ignorant classes. The clause was well meant, but in my judgment is an unfortunate mistake.
Should the attempt be made at this juncture to enforce the draft in New Jersey, you may be sure it will be met by a widespread and organized resistance. The police force of the State is of very little account, and we have but few organized regiments or companies of militia, and some of them are mainly composed of Copperheads. And, what is worse, while our Governor means right, and I believe earnestly desires the suppression of the rebellion, yet he lacks the nerve and decision necessary for such a crisis, and is so hampered by party ties and associations that he could not be relied on to do his whole duty. I am satisfied of this from a conversation with him last Wednesday, at Trenton. I am convinced that in this county we cannot now enforce the draft, and the attempt would result in sad scenes of havoc and bloodshed, and am persuaded that the same is true of many other counties.
I forgot to mention one of the most mischievous clamors raised by demagogues-that the Government has never officially announced the whole number to be drafted nor the quota of the different States and districts, and that the officers give no public notice of the time and place of the drawing, which gives demagogues an opportunity to say that the whole thing is managed in a secret Star Chamber way; that men are purposely kept in ignorance till they receive notice of being drafted, and that the quotas are unfairly apportioned, so as to favor Republican districts.
Cannot these last objections be removed, and deprive the malignants of some of their weapons?
I earnestly desire the enforcement of the draft, as well for its present absolute necessity to crush speedily the rebellion as to settle for all time that we have a Government capable of defending itself, and in March last spent a good deal of time in writing for the New York Observer and papers of New Jersey to sustain the constitutionality of the law, and enforce the duty of obeying that and all other laws till properly adjudged to be unconstitutional, one of which articles, I believe that in the Observer, I sent you; but in view of the present state of affairs, I would respectfully but most earnestly solicit that for the present the draft be suspended in New Jersey until it is first thoroughly enforced in New York.
Meanwhile, let the Government assemble at New York City a force sufficiently powerful to overawe opposition, resume the draft there, and, if resistance be attempted, put it down with such energy and severity as in the end will prove true mercy there and elsewhere. The effect will be to silence opposition in New Jersey and other infected districts, and, meanwhile, loyal men in such places can be preparing for the emergency, and, should it arise, they can be sustained by troops can then be spared from New York and New England.
It will never do to give up the draft; we might almost as well abandon the Government; but festina lente-an ounce of preparation and prevention will be worth many pounds of cure. Could the law be in an authoritative way pronounced constitutional, I am persuaded that the most powerful weapon would be at once taken from the incendiary presses and demagogues, for our people are in the main law abiding.
In view of this, could not the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States be induced to assemble at once at Washington, or at least a decided majority of them, and a case under the law submitted to them? If it could be done in no other way, could it not in this, by one of them allowing a habeas corpus, so as to raise the question, and inviting the others to sit with him on the hearing?
I think such things have been done by the State judges in several of the States within the last two years, to settle questions growing out of State laws made necessary by the rebellion, and which required an immediate judicial construction; and although demagogues might say that a decision reached in this way was in some respects an obiter dictum, yet it would be respected and obeyed. Surely the judges, considering the alarming state of affairs, would be willing, if properly appealed to, to submit to the trouble of visiting Washington.
I venture to make this suggestion in the hope that the clamor of demagogues may speedily be silenced by an authoritative decision in favor of the constitutionality of the law.
I was very much gratified to learn that, on the 11th instant, my brother`s regiment, the Tenth New Jersey, was ordered from Portsmouth to Washington. I have since learned that on the 16th it was ordered from Washington to Philadelphia, for the purpose, I presume, of aiding in the enforcement of the draft.
Begging that you excuse me for venturing thus to trouble you, I remain, with sincere regard, your obedient servant,
MARTIN RYERSON.
[Inclosure Number 8.]
NEW YORK,
Saturday, July 18, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD, &c., Washington:
MY SEAR SIR: An impression exists here among many I meet, of a class not liable to be misled by fancy or personal fervor, that the rows we have had are mere scuffles compared with those we will have should the draft be resumed immediately, as then the conflict will be of a different character, involving the exciting questions of "State rights", and, perhaps, bring out State troops in conflict with United States troops. The alarm on this point is reaching "holders of gold", who are beginning to think it safer and easier to put paper money out of sight than gold; at any rate, there is a very great feeling of alarm, and, after balancing in my mind the "pros" and "cons", I come to the conclusion that if the draft could be postponed till early autumn, it would be a great blessing and relief. July is a regular fighting, revolutionary month, sometimes for good, sometimes for evil ("4th of July, " "three days of July", &c.).
People in uniforms, and having swords, say, "Let the draft go on, " and perhaps I would say so, too, but a real big row in our city just now, when all or so many are at "fever heat," is a matter to be well thought over. If the combatants would agree to go over on the Swartwout meadows, and measure strength there, and not among our homes, the most of them but glass-houses, too, it would not be so important.
I don't see for my part what Government needs of a draft at this time, seeing that we can get volunteers enough to checkmate the enemy, now so signally on the back track.
Order McClellan to the field, and more men would follow him at once than a draft would gather in a month. I have no more doubt of his entire loyalty than I have of his popularity or his practical service and intelligence. I would do almost anything to avoid a real mob row here or a conflict of authority. There is no telling of the real injury that would come to all interests should a big riot occur here in this city at this time; it might, in its effect and influences, even reach the financial ability of the Treasury, if not immediately, at least at some awkward period. In a word, it would be wise, in my judgment, to put off the draft till any month which has an "r" in it; then the scamps begin to appreciate the comfort of a house, but in hot weather they do not; they would rather be in the street, and prefer a row to "nothing to do."
As for the rebellion, we have only now to secure Charleston and Mobile, and then let the "C. S. A." fools "stew in their own gravy"; and in a brief period that Government will be as difficult to find as the source of the Nile has been, and, perhaps, of as little practical value after being found.
I say thus much, however, with all deference to sounder judgment, for, as Saint Paul said, "I speak as a fool. " "The boys and the frogs" story is not without its point, and, should we have a real "bang-up" row here, a great many "old frogs" may ask to address "the boys:"
To you, no doubt, these are pleasant stones,
(So they would be to us frogs,
You d-d young good-for-nothing dogs),
But they are so hard they break our bones!Matters stand now remarkably well, and I am sure would continue thus till September, if not unnecessarily disturbed. I would not let the "Copperheads" have a chance to avail themselves of the heat of July or August to disturb matters. Nothing would disappoint them more than to "put off the draft. " This is my sincere conviction, and as such I submit it.
Your friend and obedient servant,
CH. A. DAVIS [?].
[Inclosure Number 9.]
NEW YORK, July 18, 1863.
Honorable WM. H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State:
MY DEAR GOVERNOR: We have had a week of trouble and apprehension in this city. I think the trouble is now over. The plea of the discontents is, on the surface, the draft. At its bottom, however, in my opinion, the discontent will be found in what the misguided people imagine to be a disposition on the part of a few here and elsewhere to make black labor equal to white labor, and put both on the same equality, with the difference that black labor shall have local patronage over the toil of the white man. I have no opinion of my own to express on the subject. The guilty parties are not those who have figured in our streets as agents in the destruction of life and property; but there is behind the scene a latent purpose to stimulate them, originating with men whose patriotism would signify the overthrow of the legitimate Government under which we live, instead of struggling for the salvation of the country.
Yesterday I gathered what they call the mob around me, and spoke to them. There were many things which I did not mention, because it was not the proper time or place. I had been authorized from very reputable sources to state that the draft was suspended in New York and Brooklyn. I did not make any such statement, because if the law on that score was just, the Executive is bound to carry it out. But I would say to you now, that if it can be, let the actual prosecution of the draft, I will not say be suspended, but baffled about at headquarters for fifteen or twenty days. One day yes, another day no, a third day not quite decided, until the people of this city, so numerous and so liable to excitement, shall have had time to reflect.
I should be glad, and I am not even without hope, that its rigid execution may not be necessary for the preservation of the Union. Matters in the South and Southwest have been going on so prosperously for the Administration that I think the civil war is virtually, though not actually, at an end. But any measures harsher than the dignity of our President`s office requires, would be very untimely just now in our city. Let the draft not be given up, but let it be baffled for a couple of weeks, and I have no apprehensions as to the result.
I remain, as ever, my dear Governor, your devoted friend and servant,
+JOHN,
Archbishop of Now York.
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