The character of Claudius has been colored by the negative comments made by Tacitus, Suetonius and Dio. For them, Claudius had no will of his own and was ruled by his freedmen and wives. His physical ailments and lack of proper Roman decorum further prejudiced his abilities. The Flavian dynasty honored Claudius as one of their good Julio-Claudian predecessors but following the death of Domitian Claudius was slowly forgotten. During the Severan period, Claudius fell further into eclipse since his birthday coincides with Pertinax, and the need to honor the latter was greater than an emperor dead over a century.

Only in the twentieth century that Claudius has received the attention he deserves. Among those responsible was Robert Graves, whose novels about Claudius depict him as a wise fool exaggerating his deficiencies to remain alive. However, it is difficult to reconcile the benign intellectual with Republican sentiments of Graves with the dottering tyrant portrayed by ancient historians. Does either of these viewpoints come close to describing Claudius? This article will explore Claudius’s personality and his place in history.

Birth and Family

Augustus entrusted Claudius’s father, Nero Claudius Drusus, (born 38 B.C.E.) with the conquest of Germany in 12 B.C.E. He had amazing success and penetrated as far as the Elbe River. Drusus was awarded an ovation and ornamentia triumphalia and was named governor of Gaul. His death at age 29 in 9 B.C.E. following a fall from his horse was a severe blow to Augustus’ ambitions to conquer all of Germany. The people of Rome when into mourning for the hero they admired and Drusus passed into legend as one of Rome’s greatest generals. The Senate bestowed the surname Germanicus on Drusus and his descendants. When the victories Drusus had won were overturned by the defeat of Quinctilius Varus in 9 C.E. the conquest of Germany was abandoned.

Claudius’ mother, the younger Antonia, (born 36 B.C.E.), daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, was a woman of importance and influence in her own right, and her advice was sought after. From her father she inherited wide connections, especially in the east and, like Livia, Antonia played an important role as patron. Berenice, Herod the Great’s niece, was her friend and Berenice’s son, Agrippa, was reared in Antonia’s household along side Claudius. She accompanied her husband to Gaul and had already given birth to a son and daughter, and several other children that had not survived, before bearing Claudius.

Tiberius Claudius Nero was born at Lugdunum on August 1, 10 B.C.E. It was an auspicious day, which coincided with the dedication of an altar by Augustus at Lugdunum (Claud. 2). Twenty years earlier Octavian had captured Alexandria, putting an end to the ambitions of Antony and Cleopatra. The birth of Claudius appears to have been premature. A clue is given in the Apocolocyntosis (3.2) where Mercury is represented pleading for Claudius’s death. Astrologers have been trying to predict the day and time of Claudius’s death but have been unable to do so because "nobody can make an account of his being born."

Also, the circumstances of the celebration marking the dedication of the Altar of Lugdunum may have contributed to a premature birth. Drusus, as governor of Gaul, would certainly have been present -- as was Augustus and possibly Tiberius. The governor’s residence would have been the center of activity and entertainment. It is not unthinkable that Antonia’s pregnancy ended prematurely due to the stress and activity associated with the dedication.

Another piece of evidence comes from Antonia herself. She always referred to Claudius as a monstrosity and someone who Nature had begun but not finished (Claud. 3). This remark could refer to a premature birth. Antonia had difficult pregnancies and an epigram preserved in the Anthologia Palatina (6.244) prays for a safe delivery for her. She never married again, despite the urgings of Augustus. Antonia’s hostility toward her son could stem from a difficult birth and that Drusus died very shortly after. Any hopes she might have nurtured that Claudius would be like his father were dashed.

Claudius’ Ailments

It was believed, prior to the Second World War, that Claudius had suffered from infantile paralysis. However, in recent years and after more thoughtful consideration it is believed that Claudius suffered from congenital cerebral palsy involving spasticity. He did not suffer from any mental retardation or epilepsy. When he was emperor, to see Claudius standing still or seated was to behold a figure of dignity (Claud. 30.) He was well built and free from deformity. Upon closer observation it would be found that his head and hands shook slightly (Dio 60.2.2), and when walking he dragged his right leg. His right side was weak or stiff, which may have been responsible for the tremor. As a child, on the rare occasions he appeared in public, Claudius wore a voluminous cloak to hide his jerky movements (Claud. 2.2.) As a writer, this tremor would have caused Claudius not a little discomfort. He may have been forced to train himself to write with his left hand (since Roman children were usually forced to use the right.) Forcing the change of hand may have affected his speech causing him to stammer. When Claudius spoke his voice was unintelligible, belonging to no land animal (Apoc. 5-6.)

Augustus put the blame for Claudius’ jerky movements and carelessness on his own indolence and suggested the boy model his bearing on a suitable person (Claud. 4.5.) The "suitable person" appears to have been an ex-drill-sergeant who was selected to be Claudius’ tutor, and proceeded to beat him to make his errant limbs behave (Claud. 2.2.) Over time, Claudius learned to control his muscles but he could easily loose his control. For example, the ceremony for the draining of the Fucine Lake. When it appeared that the imperial party might be drowned Claudius, attempting to get away, broke into the jerky gait of his childhood (Claud. 21.6.) A jerky walk is characteristic of someone affected with cerebral palsy and is caused by the nerves controlling the foot muscles being slow in functioning. When emperor, Claudius was also hard of hearing, probably as a result of a childhood illness. He fell asleep during meetings of the Senate and the consuls had difficulty rousing him with raised voices (Claud. 33.) The Apocolocyntosis notes in describing a noisy procession that even Claudius could hear it (12.1).

Claudius was certainly not stupid but above average intelligence as witnessed by the many scholarly histories from his pen. He did display sudden outbursts of uncontrollable anger, a failing that he was aware of and apologized for in an edict. Claudius probably suffered from the psychological effects of his physical limitations, to say nothing of the feelings of inferiority engendered by his family. He was aware he was the object of derision and was sensitive to his appearance, lacking the bearing and decorum that the average Roman, let alone an emperor, was expected to possess.

Since his own family rebuffed him, Claudius sought companions among less privileged people and he acquired a good-natured camaraderie with whom he could be himself (Claud. 30; Aurelius Victor Caes. 3.17.) Claudius became addicted to gambling, and to playing dice in particular, probably because Claudius was left to amuse himself and, as with many cerebral palsy victims, he was unable to oppose his thumb to his other fingers. The use of a dice cup may have been a form of therapy rather than the pursuit of a vice. Another symptom of his isolation was Claudius’ overeating -- a habit he was never able to free himself from despite bouts of severe indigestion (Claud. 33.1;8;31).

Formative Years

Claudius suffered from ill health until his ascension when he became robust (Claud. 31). But illness and not embarrassment was the reason given by ancient historians for his secretive assumption of the toga virilis in 5 or 6 C.E. This was further demonstrated by Claudius being wrapped in a cloak when presiding at the gladiatorial spectacle given in memory of his father. Claudius attained the age of 18 in 9 C.E., a time when even members of less distinguished aristocratic families were holding magistracies or in military service. The only distinction Claudius received was to hold priesthoods, due to any member of an important family, and membership in the undistinguished college of Sodales Titales. It is interesting to note the Arch of Pavia that was erected in 7 - 8 C.E . in honor of the deceased Gaius and Lucius Caesars. The arch depicts Augustus, Tiberius, Livia and Germanicus grouped in the central sculpture while Claudius is placed outside this grouping, in the wings.

Claudius married for the first time during 9 - 10 C.E. The first candidate, Aemilia Lepida, had to break off the match when her mother, Julia the Younger, was disgraced. Next, the daughter of Furius Camillus, a protégé of Tiberius was selected. But she died on the very day of her wedding. At last, Claudius was married to Plautia Urgulanilla, whose father, M. Plautius Silvanus, was also favored by Tiberius and had won triumphal decorations for his services in the Balkans. Two children were born: a son named Claudius Drusus and a daughter named Claudia, whom Claudius repudiated for doubts over her paternity.

Though Claudius had been kept in the background his education had not been neglected. He would never be a good orator but, like Demosthenes, Claudius attempted to overcome his speech impediment. He was able to deliver a rehearsed text clearly but any departure from what Claudius had prepared would become unintelligible. The longest surviving example of his oratory is a speech given to the Senate in 48 on allowing Gallic nobles to stand for senatorial magistracies. It reveals the influence of Cicero and Livy. Claudius was well versed in Greek, a scholarly language, and may have traveled to the Greek mainland in 10-11 C.E. He wrote plays: a Greek comedy that was produced in Naples earned Claudius a crown of victory. Like his uncle, Tiberius, Claudius had a knowledge of medicine and as emperor issued edicts on various subjects, including cures for snakebites.

Suetonius says that Claudius devoted himself to literary work, much of which was learned and concerned with arcane subjects (Claud. 40.3). Among his works were a 20-volume Etruscan history and an 8- volume history of Carthage written in Greek, and even a book on playing dice. Claudius also wrote a Roman history with the encouragement of Livy and Sulpicius Florus, beginning at the death of Julius Caesar. Suetonius reports that there were 43 books comprising this history which nonetheless contained one major lacuna. Livia and Antonia persuaded Claudius to leave out the period of the second triumvirate so the narrative skirted the civil wars and picked up in 27 B.C.E. to the end of Augustus’ principate. Perhaps the most regretted of Claudius’ lost works is his 8- volume autobiography. By writing his Roman history Claudius could at least have the compensation of relating the events of his time if he could not participate in them. His study of the principate gave Claudius a rare perspective and his conception of his role as emperor marked his nearly fourteen years of power.

The Political Wilderness

In 12, a decision was made concerning Claudius’ public life in response to a question from Livia on what her grandson’s role would be in the Games of Mars that would be held during Germanicus’ consulship. Presiding over the games would place Claudius in the public eye and leave the imperial family open to ridicule. Augustus and Tiberius decided on a policy of complete exclusion for the 21-year-old Claudius. On the death of Augustus (August 19, 14 C.E.), Claudius’ unimportance was underscored: he was named as an heir of the third degree in Augustus’ will (Claud. 4.7.) At that time, the annual elections for the consulate had been held, but there were many lesser magistracies that had not been filled. Now 23, Claudius approached Tiberius for a post, perhaps the questorship, but the new princeps refused. By way of consolation Claudius was given the ornamenta consularia, an honor afforded to foreign kings and knights who had distinguished themselves but were barred from the consulship. Claudius was given an appointment to the new priesthood of the deified Augustus, a position that was guaranteed him as a member of the family. Despite this setback, Claudius was determined to obtain a post and applied again to Tiberius. This time, the emperor was rude and reminded his nephew that he had already been given a Saturnalia present and asked what more he could want. Tiberius was more interested in pursuing his own dynastic plans by promoting his son, Drusus (Claud. 5.).

In the Senate, however, there was considerable regard for Claudius. In 15, a fire broke out in Rome that destroyed Claudius’ house. Perhaps to voice their discontent with Drusus (who may have been negligent in combating the fire) the senators proposed to rebuild Claudius’ house at public expense. Tiberius vetoed this proposal by paying for the construction himself. But, some senators did not stop at this and invited Claudius to speak before them. This effort, too, met with Tiberius’ veto and he excused Claudius on the grounds he was too infirm to deliver an address (Claud. 6.2.)

The death of Germanicus on October 10, 19 gave Claudius a ray of hope toward fulfilling his political goals -- however much a personal blow the death of his brother was (Annals 3.2.4). Germanicus’ followers and clients were in need of a patron. Many would not have wished to align themselves with Drusus Caesar, with his reputation for roughness. The regard that many senators had for Claudius brought the prince forward as a possible claimant in the succession in place of his brother. Such efforts came to nothing: Tiberius continued to follow the recommendations of Augustus, even after the death of Drusus in 23 (Ann. 6.46.2.) When Claudius’ name was not included on the list of those who were to be thanked for bringing Germanicus’ enemies to justice, L. Asperius Nionius caused a stir in the Senate when he asked if the omission was deliberate (Ann. 3.18.42). The agitation on behalf of Claudius apparently elicited a sarcastic comment from his sister Livilla (Claud. 3.4) that if her brother became princeps she deplored the fate of the Roman people.

If Claudius was not suitable for the succession, his connection to the imperial family was desirable for others. Sejanus was given permission by Tiberius for the betrothal of his daughter Junilla to Claudius’ son Claudius Drusus. However, a few days after the betrothal was celebrated the boy was accidentally asphyxiated when playing a game, attempting to catch a pear in his mouth (Claud. 27.1;Dio 57.19.7.)

In about 24 or 27 Claudius divorced Urgulanilla on the grounds of adultery and suspicion of murder. No later than 28, he married again, to Aelia Patina, a distant kinswoman of Sejanus. They had a daughter named Antonia. At the fall of Sejanus in 31, Claudius’ family and his distant relationship to the fallen Praetorian Prefect ensured he was safe from danger. He appears to have played no role in the downfall of Sejanus; all we hear of him was that he was selected to carry thanks to the consuls on behalf of the equestrians (Claud. 6.1.) Other than writing, Claudius occupied himself with womanizing, heavy eating and drinking and obsessive gambling. His drinking was bad enough to guarantee he had to be carried from the dinning room each night, something that happened up to the night of his death.

The Emperor’s Uncle

When his nephew Gaius (Caligula) became emperor on March 16, 37, Claudius emerged from his political wilderness. He found that Gaius needed him much more than Tiberius and became his nephew’s colleague in the consulship held from July 1 until August 31, 37. Suetonius claims Claudius was promised a second term in four years. At the age of 46, Claudius obtained the political office he had sought and was popular with the people who affectionately greeted him as "the Emperor’s uncle" or "Germanicus’ brother." He appeared at shows representing the absent Gaius in the imperial box and was thought of as a decent and learned man but lacking in proper decorum (Claud. 7.)

As Gaius became more comfortable with his power he began to treat his uncle as a joke and bullied him, threatening to remove him from the consulship for his tardiness in putting up statues of Nero and Drusus Caesars, Gaius’ brothers (Cal. 8,9.) In 39, Claudius was sent as a representative of the senate to congratulate Gaius on the suppression of an alleged conspiracy by Cn. Lentulus Gaetulicus, commander of the Rhine army. The emperor’s sisters, Julia Livilla and Agrippina, were implicated in the plot and exiled. The inclusion of Claudius in the senatorial party may have been to placate Gaius or may have been malicious to raise the emperor’s suspicious further. His reaction was that he was not a child to have his uncle sent to him. However, the story that Gaius had his uncle chucked into the Rhine is not credible (Claud. 9.)

Now Claudius found himself treated with contempt in the Senate. Many senators probably thought of him as a gatecrasher promoted into their ranks because he was Gaius’ uncle and without the wealth necessary for membership. Claudius owned a house in Rome, a house outside the city, gardens and a Campanian villa. He was given only modest legacies by Augustus and Tiberius, and Livia’s will had been suppressed by Tiberius and remained so until Claudius’ own reign. He probably inherited Antonia’s wealth on her death in 37 but was forced into the priesthood of Gaius at a cost of 8 or 10 million sesterces. To realize this sum Claudius had to borrow and sell property, and when he could not meet payments when bankrupt (Cal. 22.3, Claud. 9.2; Dio 59.28.5).

Meanwhile, Gaius became hated and feared through his autocratic ways. When he returned to Rome from Germany, in May 40, he was met by several senators whom he greeted with a slap on his sword-hilt saying the ominous words "I will come, and this will be with me." In the provinces, the emperor had fleeced the wealthy citizens of Gaul and outraged the Jews by claiming divine honors. The exile of his sisters, Agrippina and Livilla, damaged his reputation with the people, who also resented his increased taxation. He antagonized the officers of the Praetorian Guard by inflicting cruel duties and humiliations. Cassius Chaerea was a favorite target because of his high-pitched voiced. The emperor gave Cassius the watch-word for the guards and made sure that it was something embarrassing, such as "priapus" (Cal. 56; Dio 59.29.2.)

The Senate showed a lack of zeal in protecting its members who had taken a stand against the tyranny of Gaius. Conspiracies that formed against the emperor were ferreted out using torture and pitting the members of the Senate against each other by appealing to their ambition. The plot responsible for the murder of Gaius was wide-ranging and although the death of the emperor was a common goal the participants wanted different results. The principle conspirators were Chaerea and Cornelius Sabinus, both officers of the Praetorian Guard, and their commander M. Arrecinus Clemens, the future father-in-law of the emperor Titus. Several senators were involved led by L. Annius Vinicianus. Gaius had also lost the important support of his household staff, particularly the influential freedman Callistus. Josephus implicates the freedman in Gaius’ death adding that Callistus started paying court to Claudius. Callistus was especially vulnerable should Gaius be killed and needed someone to succeed the emperor who would require his services (J.A.19.64.) Claudius did not have a central role in the assassination of Gaius and was more like an outsider whose agents acted for him and kept him informed.

The plot proceeded on the initiative coming from Chaerea, joined by Vinicianus and several senators and the household staff who desired to keep their wealth and positions by supporting Claudius. Callistus probably cooperated with Clemens to ensured that Claudius would be conveyed to the safety of the praetorian barracks. The praetorian commander was part of the group involved in the assassination but not a member of the active group led by Chaerea. After Claudius’ accession Clemens remained prefect; the other commander was replaced.

The conspirators let slip several opportunities to strike for lack of agreement on how to carry out the murder. Eventually, they were forced to select the final day of the Palatine games (January 24), given to honor Augustus. The place chosen was a narrow passageway in the wooden theater constructed each year next to the palace for the games. Their victim proved to be reluctant to leave the theater. Only with some persuasion did Gaius agree to leave -- he was immediately cut down. Later, praetorian guardsmen under Julius Lupus invaded the palace and murdered Caesonia and her daughter.

Claudius had been in the temporary theater and ran to the palace when he heard news of the murder of his nephew -- hiding in a room called the Hermaeum, and in a balcony, where he was discovered by a guard suitably named Gratus (grateful) (J.A. 19.216-222.) Tradition has it that Claudius begged for his life. Indeed, he had reason to fear the guards, who were not following Clemens’ orders. Claudius was placed in a litter by the praetorians and taken to their barracks near the Viminal gate. Although he was never considered for the succession to the average citizen Claudius was in the line of Augustus and for the soldiers he was the brother of their beloved Germanicus.

While this was going on, the Senate was meeting on the Capital. Some members debating whether the Republic should be restored and the remaining members of the imperial family executed. Some senators favored the retention of a principate, but could not agree on a suitable candidate Marcus Vinicius, Gaius’ brother-in-law, and Vinicianus were named but did not have enough support. Another candidate for the principate was Valerius Asiaticus, a wealthy Gaul who offered himself to people saying that he wished he had been one of the assassins. Then the unexpected news was delivered that Claudius was safely at the Praetorian barracks and the nine cohorts of the guards were backing him as emperor. The Senate had at its disposal the three Urban Cohorts (about 1,500 men) and the resources of the state and military treasuries.

Two tribunes, Veranius and Brocchus, selected because of their inviolability, went to Claudius to warn him against attempting a coup and lectured him on obedience to the Senate. Suetonius adds that Claudius was invited to come before the Senate to give his point of view, an action that would have placed his life in jeopardy. Claudius had his answer ready. He informed the tribunes that he was forcibly detained at the barracks and could not attend the Senate. It appears the tribunes were intimidated. They went down on their knees asking Claudius that he accept the Principate from their hands (Claud. 10.3.) According to Josephus, once the envoys had gone Claudius paraded the guards and was saluted imperator. To secure their loyalty, he promised a donate of 15,000 to 20,000 sesterces a man. A large sum was offered to the Urban Cohorts to shake their loyalty (J.A. 19.234-35, 247.)

Claudius sent Herod Agrippa to the Senate to represent his position (although his role was not as central as Josephus indicates J.A. 19.236-245, 265.) Claudius let it be known that he had not sought power but now that it was offered to him he was not about to turn it down. He had been a witness to the tyranny of Gaius and promised to be just and not vengeful. However, political danger was not confined to Rome. Galba, the commander of the Upper Rhine, was urged to seize power when news of the death of Gaius arrived. Had he done so, Galba would have anticipated Vitellius by more than 20 years. But, he refused and Claudius remained deeply grateful (Galba 7.1).

At dawn on the 25^th, the Senate met again but could only muster 100 of its 600 members. The small numbers indicate, in part, the support Claudius enjoyed among many senators whether from friendship or political reality. With the soldiers clamoring for Claudius as the next princeps there was little they could do short of declaring him a public enemy. The Senate gave in and passed decrees giving Claudius the title Augustus and the powers held by prior princeps. Pater patriae was the only title he declined, but he accepted it in 42. It is significant that Claudius counted his accession from the 24^th, the day he was proclaimed emperor by the Praetorian Guard. Claudius’ accession along with Gaius, who was proclaimed emperor before the Senate confirmed him, showed how the role of the Senate as a partner in power with the principate had eroded.

(C) David A. Wend 1999

Footnotes

1  For a recent biography of Antonia see, Burns, Jasper,"Antonia-mother of Claudius," The Celator (July, 1998), pp. 6-12.