Claudius, the scholar, had left his study to become a man of action. He did not allow a proclamation of a damnatio memoriae on Gaius but had his name erased from inscriptions and his statutes quietly removed. Because he had been a target of assassination, like Caesonia, Claudius had Cassius Chaerea, Cornelius Sabinus, Julius Lupus and several other officers executed. Meanwhile, to prove he would be conciliatory, he forgave those senators who had conspired in the murder of Gaius. Claudius went even further by advancing the careers of senators who had clamored to restore the Republic or aspired to the throne themselves (Dio 603.2-4.) Exiles were recalled, prominent among them being his nieces Julia Livilla and Agrippina. He destroyed documents relating to Gaius’ trials and got rid of two freedmen, Protogenes and Helicon, who had been informers. Claudius appeared before the Senate 30 days after his accession, accompanied by the praetorian prefects and military tribunes. Significantly, all present were searched for weapons.

Claudius took the name Caesar, thereby adopting himself into the Julian clan. However, he had no direct blood relationship with Augustus. To strengthen his legitimacy, Claudius renewed the rumor that his father, Nero Claudius Drusus, had been the natural son of Augustus and advertised his family connections, particularly his parents, using coins, statuary, buildings and festivals. One of his first acts as emperor was to deify his grandmother Livia . He did not take the title imperator as it harkened to the fact that he had been saluted emperor by his guards and not selected by the Senate. To placate the descendants of the Republican dynasts Claudius awarded more suffect consulships than had Augustus and Tiberius. He also married his daughter Antonia to Cn. Pompeius Magnus, who became a valuable addition among Claudius’ supporters. Magnus died in 47, when caught with a male lover, whereupon Antonia was married to another famous name, Faustus Sulla, Messalina’s half-brother.

From the start of his reign Claudius was concerned with the idea of the emperor as the left of the government but Gaius’ despotism was not to be repeated. He had to let the populace know that he intended to look after them but would not tolerate trouble. Many of the crushing taxes levied by Gaius were rescinded.

Claudius gave his freedmen a new level of importance placing trust in them he could not afford to give to the Senate. It was during the reign of Gaius that freedmen came to assume important roles, Callistus being the most powerful (Dio 59.26.1; Statius Silv. 3.3; Martial 6.83. 7.40.) Imperial freedman became a force to be reckoned with as a natural development of the growing complexity of administration and the reliance of the emperor upon them as his personal advisors -- some performing the duties of a magistrate. As freedmen became closer to the seat of power they depended more and more on the influence they had with the emperor and as their power grew the senate resented them for the power they exercised. Claudius was not afraid to give credit where it was due and he was not afraid to name Pallas or Narcissus officially or grant them rewards for services. When Nero became emperor he had to promise to limit the power of his freedmen.

The most powerful of Claudius’ freedmen was Narcissus, Greek in origin but of unknown family background. By Claudius’ death he was at a fairly advanced age to judge by his physical ailments (Ann. 12.66.1; Apoc. 13.3.) Under Claudius his function was ab epistulis which gave him control over all correspondence and hence political power. He created his own network of power in the palace and acted in concert with Messalina. He was responsible for the empresses’ destruction and Euodos (who carried out her execution) was clearly his henchman. Lucius Vitellius sought his advise and Vespasian owed his early career advancement to him (Ann. 11.29.3, 37.4; Vesp. 4.1.)

Narcissus was briefly placed in control of the Praetorian Guard following the execution of Messalina, a job which earned him the ornamenta questoria. He also acquired a considerable fortune. Dio puts the sum at 400 million sesterces (60.34.4) and Suetonius says that Claudius commented he would be able to restore the finances of the state if he went into partnership with Narcissus and Pallas (Claud. 28.)

Another powerful freedman was Marcus Antonius Pallas. His origins, like Narcissus, were Greek and are equally obscure. There is a tradition that Pallas was descended from the kings of Arcadia (Ann. 11.29.1, 12.53.3.) He was a slave of Antonia and was freed by her before her death in 37, hence Pallas’ nomen. It was Pallas to whom Antonia entrusted the fateful letter sent to Tiberius that exposed Sejanus (AJ. 18.182; Dio 66.14.1-2.) Under Claudius, he became a rationibus, the official who regulated the financial activities of the provinces and reformed the collection of taxes. Pallas also became wealthy in Claudius’ service. His ties to Agrippina the Younger were so close that it was rumored they were lovers.

Juvenal put it best; the interests of the people were only "bread and circuses" (Sat. 10.81.) There was a wide gulf in the Roman empire between rich and poor with the majority of people falling into the latter class. The poor and destitute, in Rome at least, were kept fed and entertained to prevent them from being reminded of their poverty. When they were discontent the plebs could voice their privations directly to the emperor at public events, so rioting among the disaffected urban poor was something the princeps had to reckon with. Claudius realized early that if he was to survive he needed the support of the people.

To provide the citizenry with morale Claudius instituted new holidays to celebrated the birthdays of Livia, Antonia and Nero Claudius Drusus. There were spectacular shows commemorating the British triumph, the rededication of the Theater of Pompey and the Secular Games of 47 (Claud 21; Dio 60.6.8, 13.24, 27.2.)

When Claudius came to power there was a grain shortage: only 8 days supply remaining (Seneca De brev. Vit.18.5.) Since the shipping season would not begin until March emergency measures were necessary. To encourage merchants to take the risk of delivering grain Claudius offered to insure any vessel that undertook to supply Rome with grain. A short-term grain shortage was averted; Claudius was determined that it would not happen again.

Gaius had set in motion a plan to improve all of the harbors in Italy to ensure the safe delivery of grain from Egypt. Claudius took a long-term view of the grain crisis. It was dangerous for corn transports to ride at sea before unloading their grain, so the safety of a new harbor at Ostia, the port of Rome, was demanded. The projected harbor of Julius Caesar may have influenced Claudius but the more compelling reason was the threat of famine (Claud. 20.1.)

Dio reports architects tried to dissuade the emperor by exaggerating the cost of the harbor (60.2.3) but Claudius overrode all opposition and work began in 42. The new harbor was located two miles north of the Tiber. Two curving moles were built into the sea and an island was created between them by sinking an immense ship that Gaius had built to transport an obelisk from Egypt. At the tip of the left mole a lighthouse was built. Numerous granaries were constructed and a police force/fire brigade of 500 men was established to protect them. To secure larger imports of grain, Claudius offered special privileges to traders who built ships capable of holding 10,000 modii (about 70 tons) and kept these super-tankers in service for at least six years. The building of the harbor was accompanied by the centralization of the corn administration under a praefectus annonae (Claud. 24.2; Dio 60.24.3.) Bringing the grain from Ostia to Rome and seeing to its proper distribution was also a concern of Claudius. In Rome, he built the Porticus Minucia Frumentaria as a distribution point with forty-five arcades and numbered outlets that corresponded to the tickets held by grain recipients.

Unfortunately, Claudius never saw the completion of the harbor, which he probably would have commemorated in his coinage. In 64, a commemorative sestertius was issued by Nero depicting the harbor but it is more likely that these coins refer to the role the harbor played in alleviating famine following the great fire in Rome rather than the formal opening of the harbor. By 62, the new harbor must have been in use since a storm sank 200 ships riding at anchor and Trajan later had to deal with the subsequent silting up of the harbor.

A second construction project that had originated with Julius Caesar and aimed at alleviating food shortages was the draining of the Fucine Lake into the Liris river. This project began in 41 and consisted of cutting a channel about 6,180 yards long, 8 feet wide and over 9 feet deep under the limestone of Mount Salvio to provide an exit to the river. According to Suetonius it took 30,000 men eleven years to complete. Besides ending the threat of flooding, much-needed farmland would be made available (Claud. 20.1.)

The opening of the tunnel in 52 was a great spectacle. A naval battle was arranged on the lake with real ships and 19,000 combatants arranged into two groups representing the "Sicilians" and "Rhodians." A wooden wall and stands to accommodate the large crowd that assembled ringed the lake. Claudius was present along with Nero, wearing military dress, and Agrippina, who wore a cloak of gold thread. Following the naval battle, the sluices were opened but no water flowed; the channel had not been dug below the level of the lake (NH 33.36; Ann. 12.56-7; Claud. 32; Dio 60.33.3.)

The channel was re-dug and a gladiatorial show was staged on pontoons in the lake to ensure a good turnout for the second attempt. Claudius, probably attended by Agrippina arranged a banquet, but when the sluices were opened a torrent of water almost drowned the emperor and his party. Narcissus was blamed for the disaster by Agrippina, which marks the beginning of the end of the freedman (Ann. 12.57.4-5; Dio 60.33.5). Pliny considered the project one of Claudius’ most impressive achievements, and Trajan later attempted to improve the scheme, but it was not until the 19^th century that the lake was drained. (NH 36.124; Claud. 20.22; Dio 60.11.5.)

The water supply was just as important to Claudius as meeting the demands of providing grain. He repaired Agrippa’s Aqua Virgo, which Gaius had allowed to fall into disrepair, and completed the Acqua Claudia and the Anio Novus bringing them over the Praenestine Gate, and proclaiming in an inscription on the gate that he had built the two aqueducts at his own expense. The workmanship was of a high standard and two elaborate basins completed the work (NH 36.122; Claud. 20.1.) The flooding that Rome was subject to, until this century, was something else Claudius looked into. He established minimum distances from the Tiber where buildings could be constructed and created an official post, Procurator of the Tiber Bank, to give some strength to the senatorial commission set up by Tiberius to deal with flooding (Dio 57.14.9.)

The affection between Claudius and the people was such that he would issue edits on medical matters and on how to make the best use of the vintage. He mixed freely with people at shows. When a rumor circulated that Claudius had been assassinated the people were furious. But, a shortage of grain in 51 caused a bread riot from which the emperor was lucky to escape alive. Even this encounter with a hungry and angry mob, which pelted him with stale crusts, was only a tiff. (Dio 60.13.5; Claud. 12.3, 18.2; Ann. 12.43.2.) Whatever paternal regards Claudius showed for the plebes, as a class he was not about to change their status or grant new rights.

Relations with the Senate

From the moment of his accession the new emperor needed to strengthen his position against a mostly hostile Senate and possible civil war. One plot against an emperor had succeeded; so might another. Claudius’ dramatic accession brought with it an atmosphere tense with conspiracy, which he had tried to diffuse by granting recognition and honors to the more hostile members of the Senate. He treated the Senate with respect, rising when he addressed the consuls and was sparing in his use of triumphal dress. He visited sick members and gave a banquet for senators and their wives. A papyrus records Claudius chiding the senators for merely echoing his own opinion without expressing one of their own.

The strongest qualification for the principate in the public’s mind was a blood relationship to Augustus. There were families who had a better title to the principate than Claudius, being in the direct line of Augustus. Foremost were the Junii Silani; a member of the family had married the younger Julia’s daughter by Paulus Lepidus. The Junii Silani were a large clan and excessively proud of their distinction. They were arrogant enough to propose the name of the month June (Junius) be changed to Germanicus because two members of the family had been executed in that month and the Silani did not wish their name to be associated with such an ill-omened month (Ann. 15.35.2, 16.12.3.)

With only a suffect consulship prior to becoming emperor Claudius needed to hold office but showed restraint by waiting until January 42 to hold his next consulship. He held office again in 43, 47 and 51 showing additional restraint by being in office for two months except for his final consulship when he remained in office until October, probably in celebration of his decennial and Nero’s assumption of the toga virilis. There were many conspiracies directed against Claudius that were punished by executions. Of the ordinary consuls holding office during Claudius’ reign 6 of the 22 men lost their lives through conspiracies, all prior to 47. The impression given by Tacitus, Suetonius and Dio is that the executions of senators were unjustified acts because his freedmen and wives influenced Claudius. This assertion is more of a tradition than a reflection of fact. Significantly, in the Apocolocyntosis Claudius is held accountable for his attacks on the Senate and there is no suggestion that he had been duped by his wives or freedmen (8.10.) Suetonius also wrote at some length about conspiracies against Claudius that provide justification for his actions (Claud. 13.1.) Reports that Claudius was soft on his freedmen ignores that fact that five were executed by Claudius (Apoc. 13.)

Claudius’ only heir, Britannicus, was a child, which made it essential to secure the succession and keep hostile groups at bay. A temporary successor had to be found who would guarantee the safety of the state and the welfare of Claudius’ widow and children if he died before his son came of age. Perhaps a first choice as a temporary successor was C. Appius Silanus who, like the empress Messalina, was connected to the Claudii Pulchri clan. Silanus commanded three legions in Hispania Tarraconensis and was unexpectedly recalled to Rome and married Domitia Lepida, Messalina’s mother. However, Silanus was executed without trial in 42 for what Dio says was no true or credible charge (60.14.4).

Ancient historians claim that Silanus had been the victim of the empresses and Narcissus because he had refused Messalina’s sexual advances. The empress and freedman reported having dreams to Claudius in which he was murdered by Silanus (Ann. 11.29-37; Dio 31.4-5; Juv. Sat. 14.30-1) but this was what the public was intended to regard as the reason. Silanus’ marriage to Domitia Lepida is an indication that along with a connection to the Junii Silani Claudius wanted to keep a close watch on him. The "dreams" mask a charade of doing away with a potential rival. The execution of Silanus is less apparent than Claudius’ other would-be rivals. He had dangerous attributes: high birth, influential relations and friends who had plotted against previous emperors (Ann. 6.9). Perhaps Silanus became involved with Vinicianus in his conspiracy with Scibonianus. Whatever the reason, the execution of Silanus was followed by the major conspiracy of Claudius’ reign.

In 42, the governor of Dalmatia, L. Arruntius Camillus Scribonianus, rebelled against Claudius with the support of senators Annius Vinicianus, Q. Pomponius Secundus and A. Caecina Paetus (Dio 60.15.2). Ironically, he was almost Claudius’ brother-in-law had not his sister, Livia Medullina, died on her wedding day. After five days the revolt was over never having had the firm support of the legions, VII and XI. (Claud. 13.2; Dio 60.15, 1-16, 8). Both legions earned the title: Claudia Pia Fidelis (Claudius’ Own, Faithful.) The aim of the revolt is mixed among historians; to Suetonius Scribonianus wanted to become emperor, to Dio he wished to restore the Republic (Claud. 35.2; Dio 60.15.4.) The revolt caused Claudius to panic but the soldiers soon deserted Scribonianus’ cause and the governor fled to the island of Issa where he committed suicide (Dio 60.15.3-4; Pliny Ep. 3.16). Claudius had not needed to take action to secure this throne but he could no longer remain conciliatory. The traumatic effect of the revolt on Claudius is reflected in the use of torture not only on slaves but on free men to ferret out the guilty. Vinicianus was executed along with others and Paetus killed himself. The conspirators were killed in prison and dragged on hooks to the Gemonian stairs, the same treatment dealt to Sejanus. Dio suggests that Narcissus and Messalina used the revolt as an excuse to get rid of their enemies (60.16.)

However, Claudius issued pardons and gave gifts to the sons of the executed even though there was possible involvement by them in the conspiracy (Dio 60.16.2-3). In spite of his even-handed treatment of the families of the condemned, the hostility of the senate was only further aroused and more attempts on Claudius life followed (Claud. 13). Facing continued hostility, Claudius continued to seek an alliance with the Silanii. He betrothed his daughter Octavia to Lucius Silanus (born 26/27) and granted him many privileges. If Silanus were gambling on the chance he would succeed Claudius he was willing to accept long odds; the marriage could not be consummated until 53 when Octavia came of age.

Following the revolt of Scribonianus, Claudius found himself on perilous ground. The Senate was hostile and the army, although remaining loyal, reminded the emperor that he was not credible to them as a leader. Britain provided a ready-made opportunity of boosting Claudius’ image and the glory associated with expanding the empire.

Julius Caesar had bequeathed the conquest of the island as one of his legacies. He had received the surrender of several British tribes and even collected taxes. Rumor had it that Augustus would take up the challenge but he had set his goal on the conquest of Germany until the disaster at Teutorburg Wald (Dio 49.38.2.) In 39, Cunobelin (Cymbeline), who had united many of the tribes, quarreled with his son Adminus, who fled to Gaius. The emperor was in Gaul at the time and contemplated shifting some of the Rhine legions to conquer Britain but nothing came of his plans beyond preliminary preparations. Cunobelin had a policy of good will toward Rome but on his death his sons Caratacus and Togodumnus succeeded him. Together they turned on the southern coast princes who were friendly with Rome. One of them, Verica, fled to Claudius urging the emperor to invade Britain (Dio 60.19.1.) This provided Claudius with a good cover story for his invasion.

The decision to invade Britain was made toward the end of 42. The immediate objective of the invasion was the fertile south of Britain and not the conquest of the entire island. II Augusta and XIV Gemina were withdrawn from the upper Rhine army and supported by legio XX from the lower Rhine and IX Hispana from Panonia. To make up for the fact that Claudius was using one legion less than Caesar a section of the Praetorian Guard and auxiliary troops were part of the force which totaled about 40,000. Claudius selected Aulus Plautius to be the commander and legionary commanders included T. Flavius Sabinus and his younger brother Vespasian.

The failure of Julius Caesar to return to Britain to conquer the island seemed like a virtual defeat. Gaius having collected his invasion forces appeared afraid to use them and turned his back on the project. The conquest of the island seemed insurmountable to the soldiers waiting to embark at Gesoriacum (Boulogne) for Britain. They felt they were being sent to an unknown world and refused to embark. Claudius sent Narcissus who lectured the troops on performing their duty. Fortunately, the soldiers treated the spectacle of a freeman giving them orders as if it were Saturnalia, when slaves could pretend to be masters. They took this as a joke shouting Io, Satunalia and embarked without protest (Dio 60.19.3.)

Plautius divided his forces into three groups perhaps to stagger the landings and confuse the Britons. Because of the delay in crossing the English channel, the Britons had grown impatient and dispersed so the Romans landed unopposed. Once ashore, Plautius has some difficulty in getting the Britons to challenge him. But when flushed out the Romans defeated forces under Caratacus and another under Togodumnus. As Plautius marched toward the Thames he faced a substantial army of Britons and for two days fighting was bitter and bloody. Finally, Hosidius Geta found a weak spot and attacked driving the Britons across the Thames and allowing the Romans to occupy London (Dio 60.20.)

Claudius was summoned to Britain by Plautius, who must have been instructed to establish a firm bridgehead before informing him. Dio suggests that Plautius was forced to summon Claudius because his soldiers refused to go further (60.19.3) but this is unlikely, nor was the emperor waiting at Rome. The military situation could have changed drastically during the weeks it would take for Claudius to journey to Britain; he was probably waiting for word of a successful landing, then took ship at Ostia where reinforcements were embarking. He followed the sea route as far as Massilia (Marseilles,) then a land route took him to Gesoriacum where Plautius’ summons was received. Claudius took an immense risk by leaving Rome but he took with him an entourage of consular senators distinguished for their military reputations and those who eyed the principate. In Rome, Claudius had entrusted the government to Vitellius probably appointing him Prefect of the City and commander of the Praetorian Guards since Claudius had one of the commanders, Catonius Justus, with him (Dio 60.21.2, 23.2.)

Claudius landed in Kent and made an impressive sight as his entourage advanced. Elephants with their mahouts, the members of the court and parading troops impressed the Britons with Rome’s majesty. Dio has Claudius defeating an army that had assembled upon his appearance and he captured Colchester and accepted the surrender of several tribes (Dio 60.21.4.) This story was probably based on the official version of events disseminated by the regime. The Roman name for Chelmsford (Caesaromagus) may reflect Claudius’ presence among his troops. The Senate voted the emperor two triumphal arches: one in Gaul at the place of his departure and one in Rome. Fragments of the Roman arch have been found and the inscription informs us that Claudius received the surrender of eleven tribes without Roman losses

After about two weeks Claudius returned to Gaul sending his sons-in-law, Silanus and Magnus, ahead to report to the Senate and made a leisurely trip back to Rome through Gaul. One of Claudius’ achievements was the building of a road (completed in 46) that had been mapped earlier by his father in 15 - 14 B. C. E. The road began at Altinum, near Adige valley, went over the Alps and towards the Danube, affording Roman troops a quick and direct route. Claudius, demonstrating his filial affection, probably took this route on his way home.

Claudius entered Rome after an absence of six months, of which only about sixteen days were spent in Britain. He celebrated a triumph in 44 and had raised his imperial salutations from three to eight or nine. The emperor ascended the Capitol on his knees, supported by his sons-in-law, probably to hide his ungainly walk. The Senate voted the title of Britannicus on Claudius and his son, recalling his father’s posthumous title of Germanicus, however his son only adopted the name. Claudius did not forget those who had distinguished themselves in Britain. Plautius returned in 47 and received the unique honor of an ovation, usually reserved for members of the imperial family. The fame of Claudius’ achievement traveled throughout the empire. Verses were written celebrating the conquest and in Aphrodisias a relief was commissioned of Claudius heroically defeating Britannia.

The slow business of conquering southern Britain went on, first under Plautius, then from 47 to 53 under Ostorius Scapula. Vespasian commanding II Augusta in western Britain captured the Isle of Wight, fought 30 battles, subjugated two warlike tribes and captured more than 20 villages (Vesp. 4.1.) XIV Gemina captured the central midlands and IX Hispania advanced to the Trent river. Scapula had a formidable task. Togodumnus had been killed in 43 but Caratacus proved to be wily. He eluded capture and picked up many supporters among the tribes. Eventually, Caratacus had to risk a pitched battle in order to provide his followers with booty and inflict a defeat on the Romans that would secure his position as the leading prince. Although Caratacus’ forces outnumbered the Romans his army was defeated and he was handed over to his enemies.

Caratacus was brought to Rome and was paraded but allowed to live. Claudius dedicated a triple arch in the Via Flaminia, probably intending to show that he considered the conquest complete, but the capture of Caratacus was only a stage in a continuing war. The conquest of Britain was good for the security of Claudius’ regime but a mistake that was to drain manpower and not worth the raw materials and taxes that the province contributed. In the years to come, the Flavian’s would come close to subjugating the entire island but by 86, with war raging in Dacia, Domitian felt it necessary for a general pull back, which was continued by Hadrian and the building of his famous wall.

The Censorship

In 47-48, Claudius held the censorship with Lucius Vitellius, who held the consulship for the third time, an honor not held by anyone outside the imperial family since Agrippa. Part of Claudius’ reforms as censor included the introduction of two letters into the Latin alphabet. The first letter, not well documented, was introduced to represent a sound between u and i. The second letter was intended to represent a sound between bs and ps. The introduction of these two letters was part of Claudius' reforms as censor. In this, he was motivated by a sense of family tradition stretching back to Appius Claudius, who is credited with the invention of the letter r (Ann. 11.14.) Claudius had written a treatise on the Latin alphabet prior to his accession (Claud. 41.3) and as a consequence was aware of his ancestor’s contribution to the alphabet.

Another reform that harkened back to his ancestor was Claudius’ decree bringing the haruspices under the control of the state organized, perhaps, into a college (Ann. 11.15.) Appius Claudius had transferred the cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima to the state, so Claudius may have had his ancestor in mind (Livy 9.29.9-11) The emperor and Vitellius saw to the reorganization of the Senate. Claudius did not refrain from removing senators but some of bad character he urged to resign voluntarily, following the example of Augustus (Dio 52.42.) He must have wanted to be spared the task of removing such men from the Senate as well as lessen the humiliation of those who were removed. Except one senator of bad character who received a mark of censure, as noted by Suetonius. Claudius was persuaded to remove the mark by the man’s friends, and the emperor complied, but let the erasure of the mark remain (Claud. 16.2.)

Warfare and Expansion

When Claudius came to power Rome was involved in fighting in Mauritania. In 40, Ptolemy, son of Juba II and a descendant of Antony and Cleopatra, was summoned to Rome where he was murdered by Gaius. Apparently Ptolemy was involved in the conspiracy of Gaetulicus, whose father had been a close friend of Juba. Rebellion broke out from the fearful reaction of becoming a Roman province and to avenge the murder of their king. The rebellion was put down in 41 by M. Crassus Frugi (Dio 60.8.6-9; Claud.17.2) but the Moors proved to be a nuisance for several years.

Claudius and Crassus received triumphal ornaments and the emperor, in line with his policy to placate the Republican dynasts, allowed every distinction he could for Frugi, who was allowed to wear an embroidered toga during the British triumph of 44 and enter Rome on horseback.

The new province was divided into two parts: Tingitana and Caesariensis. They were of insignificant size and were assigned equestrian governors. Galba, as emperor, joined the two provinces together under a senatorial governor.

Lycia, located on the southwestern corner of Asia Minor, had been a well-managed and strategically unimportant province run by the Lycians until civil unrest, involving the deaths of Roman citizens, allowed Claudius a pretext for annexation in 43. Q. Veranius was put in charge of the operation and apparently awarded ornamenta triumphalia and perhaps a consulship in 49 on his success. Veranius campaigned for five years in the area and claimed by 47 that the Lycia was pacified. Thrace was annexed in 45 following the death of King Rhoemetalces. A. Didius Gallus, governor of Moesia, was probably responsible for the easy subjugation of the new province, completed the following year. Following Claudius’ policy of settling new provinces a colony named Apri was founded soon after annexation.

Following the disaster in the Teutorburg Wald, the Romans feared that the Germanic tribes would become united as they had by Arminius and threaten their forces. Tiberius had followed Augustus’ policy of no further expansion and had successfully played the tribes off against each other (Ann. 1.11.7.) The conquest of Britain, however, meant that three legions, II Augusta, XIV Hispania and legio XX, were withdrawn for the invasion. Claudius was able to find replacements for the legions except for II Augusta, which had been based at Strasbourg. The last thing that Claudius wanted was for trouble to occur in Germany. Things remained quiet except for incursions by the Chatti and Chauci. However, in 47, Cn. Domitius Corbulo became the commander of the Lower Rhine and reacted a bit more sharply to a raid by Gannascus, a former Roman auxiliary, and the Canninefates than Claudius liked. Corbulo struck out beyond the Rhine against the Germans and succeeded in encircling Gannascus. Then, the victorious general went after the Chauci and the Frisii. It was at this point that Claudius called a halt to the "campaign" much to Corbulo’s annoyance (Ann. 11.18-21; Dio 60/61.30.4-6.)

In the East, there were problems with the client kingdom of the Bosphorus. The king, Aspurgus, had died in 37 and the throne was claimed by his widow and stepson Mithridates. Gaius had refused to recognize Mithridates and gave the kingdom to Polemo king of Pontus, but he had never taken possession (Dio 60.8.2.) So, in 41, Claudius awarded the kingdom to Mithridates while his brother, Cotys, was kept in possession of Lesser Armenia. However, five years later Mithridates was deposed for intrigues against Rome and his brother Cotys became king. Mithridates managed to seized control of the Bosphorus with the help of Sarmatian tribes. Eventually, Cotys and Julius Aquila, prefect of the auxiliary cohorts, supported by local tribes defeated Mithridates in 49. Like Caratacus, Mithridates was sent to Rome and put on display being made the subject of Claudius’ mercy. He lived in retirement until the reign of Galba. Roman prestige in the Black Sea area was greatly strengthened who offered saw the Romans as their defenders from barbarous people (Ann. 12.15-21.)

In general, Claudius preferred that client kings continue to rule as Roman vassals, hence his good relations with Antiochus of Commagene and especially Agrippa I. He conferred ornamenta consularia on Agrippa and added Judea and Samaria to his domains, which put him in control of a kingdom identical to his grandfather Herod the Great. Agrippa was welcomed by the Jewish population and priests and also was acceptable to the gentiles. Agrippa’s ambition caused concern and he was closely watched by the governor of Syria, Vibius Marsus, who intervened when Agrippa began to build new fortification walls around Jerusalem in 42. The governor also broke up a conference of kings held at Tiberias in 43. All of the kings were related to Agrippa or were about to become related to him and there may have been a connection to the threats the Parthian king Vardus was making against Armenia around the same time. Agrippa may have been aiming to separate the East from Rome but he died in 44. That Claudius was concerned about the situation is reflected in his decision to break up Agrippa’s kingdom returning Judea to the status of a Roman province where trouble soon arose from the misgovernment of Vintidius Cumanus and Antonius Felix, a brother of Pallas. Agrippa II, who was 16 when his father died, remained in Rome and was allowed the principality of Chalcis only when his uncle Herod died in 50.

The Provinces

What Claudius expected from the governors he appointed is reflected by his refusal to have a panegyric deliver by the legate. The appointment was a job not a prize and the governors were his collaborators in the work of government (Dio 60.11.7.) Increasingly the provinces were supplying the manpower to maintain Rome’s strength. The emperor stressed that those provincials who had fought for Rome should be recognized as citizens and he favored veterans settling in the province of their service and marrying with local women. Claudius’ granting of citizenship to provincials did not meet with universal agreement however (Apoc. 3.)

Claudius repaired the bad feelings Gaius had created by his rough treatment of the Jews issuing an edict that guaranteed their undisturbed practice of their religion throughout the empire (A.J. 19.280-8). A letter Claudius sent to the Alexandrians concerning the riots that ensued on news of the death of Gaius between the Greeks and Jews reflects his views on maintaining peace. Claudius exhorts both sides to keep the peace and tells the Greeks to respect the customs of the Jews reminding them that Augustus had first granted these privileges. In turn, Claudius asked the Jews to be content with the rights they had achieved.

Claudius also inherited the perennial problem of keeping Armenia in Roman hands. Germanicus had conferred the crown of Armenia on Artaxias, a prince from Asia Minor, whom the Armenian’s had invited to become their king. When Artaxias died in 35, the king of Parthia, Artabanus III, succeeded in placing his own nominee on the throne. Tiberius, however, sent an Iberian adventurer named Mithridates who pretended he was of the Arsaid blood and succeeded in removing the Parthian. Gaius, for whatever reason, summoned Mithridates to Rome where he was kept a prisoner, then he made a present of Armenia to Artabanus.

Unrest in Parthia following the death of Artabanus III in 37 made it easy for Claudius to place Mithridates back on the throne, helped by his brother, Pharasmanes, king of Iberia, and Roman troops. Civil war continued in Parthia for several years with Gotarzes eventually seizing the throne in 45. But by 49, the new king had proved to be so cruel that Claudius was urged by a delegation of Parthians to dispatch Meherdates, the son of Vonones, the king who had been deposed by Artabanus (Ann. 11.8-10.). Claudius sent Meherdates entrusting him to the new governor of Syria, Gaius Cassius Longinus. Unfortunately, Roman hopes were dashed the following year when Gotarzes defeated the claimant. Meherdates’ life was spared but his ears were cut off.

In 52 or 53 Mithridates’ nephew Radamistus invaded Armenia and killed his uncle, who perished with the connivance of Roman troops. The procurator of Cappadocia, Julius Pailinus, had the idea of conquering Armenia on his own but settled for crowning Radamistus who generously rewarded him. The new Parthian king, Vologeses I, seeing an opportunity, invaded Armenia and succeeded in forcing the Iberians to withdraw. The harsh winter that followed proved too much for the Parthians who withdrew, leaving the door open for Radamistus to regain his throne. Back in power, the Iberian was so cruel that the Armenians stormed the palace and forced Radamistus out of the country (Ann. 12.44-57) and Vologeses was able to put his brother Tridates on the throne. Claudius has been criticized for allowing Armenia to slip away but his later inattention to eastern affairs may be due to his declining health.

Romanization was encouraged by Claudius and he repopulated areas with the founding of colonies and the settlement of veterans, which was vigorously pursued, especially in Italy and Gaul. Claudius’ program of good government for the provinces is reflected in an edict issued by Paulus Fabius Persicius, proconsul of Asia. The edict laid down principles to eliminate abuses of financing the temple of Artemis Ephesia asserting that the well being of all subjects were the concern of the government not only now but for all time. To show he meant business in keeping order, in 44, Rhodes was deprived of its freedom because of some riots in which Roman citizens were killed, and the islanders did not regain their former rights until 53.

Claudius’ activities in encouraging provincial centers is marked in the East by the founding of cities with the name Claudiopolis. In 50, a colony was founded at Agrippina’s birthplace and called Colonia Claudia Ara Augusta Agrippinensium (modern Cologne.) This was a demonstration of Agrippina’s power but was in keeping with Claudius’ policy. Claudius was generous in granting the rights of citizenship and had developed preparatory steps to the goal of full Roman citizenship. As a reward for services rendered by auxiliary military service. The first military diplomas appear in Claudius’ reign. However, Claudius punished severely those who illegally acquired citizenship.

Claudius aided the provinces in many small ways. The following are only a sampling. In 53. Bononia was granted money to repair damage caused by a fire and following an earthquake Ephesus, Smyrna and Crete were allowed a five-year remission of taxes. Claudius dismissed a local official for exacting too much money for taxes from the population (Ann. 12.58.2.)

Laws and Justice

During the principate the administration of justice centered on the emperor as the holder of supreme power. Criminal cases were still tried before the standing courts created during the Republic, in which any male citizen could prosecute someone for murder, extortion, bribery, adultery and maiestas. These courts were presided over by a praetor with a jury consisting of property owners and senators. Beginning under Augustus, the consuls began to take some of these cases involving the upper class before the Senate. In this way the Senate obtained jurisdiction in political cases, such as that of Sejanus. But in certain cases, the Senate avoided making a decision by referring it to the emperor.

Claudius took the administration of justice seriously. There always was a backlog of cases and the emperor dutifully sat almost daily in the Senate or in the Forum to hear cases. He did not take time off even during the British triumph. Claudius preferred that legal questions be settled in courts other than his own and he firmly believed that when a litigant was absent the finding of the court would be against them (Claud. 14.1; Dio 60.5.7; 17.1.)

Claudius cared more about finding an equitable solution than the merits of individual cases. Sometimes this made for a bad decision and he was not always impartial. Men who had insulted Claudius before he became emperor could not expect fair treatment from him on legal matters. Sometimes Claudius was very original in his approach to justice. A woman who persistently denied that a young man was her son was told by the emperor that she should marry him. She refused and lost her case. What seems an arbitrary decision is actually a shrewd piece of logic. The young man had been seeking a portion of his mother’s property that was due him and was not an unrelated fortune hunter. (Claud. 15.2.) Claudius’ ad hoc way of dispensing justice did not sit well with his contemporaries and in the Apocolocyntosis he is assigned clerical work in the underworld dealing with legal cases (15.2.) However, Claudius was not a stern purveyor of law and order. It is clear that litigants were not afraid of him; one threw his brief in the emperor’s face and in 51 proceedings had to be abandoned when a bread riot began.

Maintaining order was a primary concern of Claudius. He firmly put down disturbances in the theater and tried to encourage respect of the president of the games. To prevent the gathering of malcontents, he closed down taverns (even though he had owned one himself) banning the sales of hot refreshments and disbanding unlicensed clubs. (Ann. 11.13.1; Claud. 12.1, 38.2; Dio 60.6.7.)

The Jews living in Rome had been acknowledged as a people whose right to practice their religion was guaranteed but in 41, synagogues were closed. In an edict Claudius berated the Jews and then expelled at least some part of the Jewish population in 49. A comment by Suetonius that "Chrestus was the instigator" would seem to indicate clashes between orthodox Jews and Christians. However, this is unlikely. The biographer would not have mistaken his words, writing in the second century, if Christians had been involved. The circumstances of the expulsion remain obscure (Claud. 25.4; Dio 60.6.6.)

According to tradition, Claudius’ legislation was ridiculous in the number of edicts issued (sometimes 20 a day) and the minuteness of attention given to issues. Although his favorite method of legislating was the edict Claudius made significant use of the senatusconsulta. Like Augustus, Claudius wanted to halt the corrosive elements of society and he enacted laws in response to social situations that needed remedying. An example is the Lex Papia Poppaea which limited the rights of unmarried and childless persons to inherit and bequeath property. The law was amended to allow men over sixty and women over fifty to inherit if they had not married before reaching those ages. Claudius relaxed the law further by allowing that a man over sixty was considered capable of procreation (Claud. 23).

A law concerning property rights dealt with situations where free women consorted with male slaves without the owner’s consent. Children born to the pair would become the property of the slave owner, not free as had been allowed. Many such liaisons sprang up between freedwomen of the slave owner, so it seemed unfair to deprive the owner of these children. If the woman had the consent of the owner she would remain free, but if not she was liable to become a slave herself. Another provision stated that if a man unwittingly cohabited with a slave the children born of such a liaison would follow the status of the parent corresponding by sex. In a related subject, Claudius strengthened laws that gave patrons rights in the property of their freedmen even permitting a patron to make one of his descendants an heir. Estates of ex-slaves who became full Roman citizens could be inherited by a patron or his descendants.

Claudius also enacted laws of a more progressive nature. With the Lex Claudia, he freed women from their male relations by allowing a mother to be an heir to any of her sons who died intestate. In 47, Claudius made it obligatory for masters to look after their slaves when they fell ill. If a master evaded his duty and allowed a slave to die he could be charged with homicide. If a master placed his sick slave in the temple of Asclepius on the Tiber island, he could not regain possession of the slave if he recovered. Also in 47, by a senatusconsultum, the maximum fee an advocate could charge was 10,000 sesterces, which remained unchanged until the reign of Diocletian.

Claudius made provisions to protect the young by issuing an edict that when a youth (aged from puberty to 25) was to be adopted the consent of his guardian was needed to protect against the young man’s property being taken by his new father. Claudius went further to protect a young man’s property against confiscation should his father run afoul of the principate. In a measure that is a precursor to one by Nerva, Claudius relieved private individuals of the expense of state postal services.

Finance

The principate of Gaius was a financial disaster because, unlike Tiberius, he spent lavishly to demonstrate his status. To gain a military reputation, Gaius raised two legions for his projected British expedition, thereby increasing the cost of maintaining the legions significantly. As money began to dwindle Gaius became an expert at hunting for legacies and taxed every possible service and product. Thanks to Gaius’ fund raising abilities, Claudius inherited a treasury that was far from bankrupt.

Claudius’ first year as emperor was an expensive one. It began with the new emperor promising each praetorian 15,000 sesterces, so Claudius had an immediate expense of 67-1/2 million sesterces. The guards had only received 2,000 from Gaius on his accession and, in addition, Claudius gave each guard a gift of 100 sesterces per man each year thereafter. Claudius also gave a donative to the troops in the same amount that Augustus had bequeathed in his will, and so spent another 747 million sesterces. This was an expensive precedent that future emperors would be forced to follow. For the people, besides the grain dole, Claudius made a distribution of money (congarium) of 300 sesterces (Claud. 21.1.) Suetonius also writes about the lavish games Claudius held but the emperor tended to stage cheaper gladiatorial games, which used condemned criminals, rather than races. When he did set a record with the number of races held they only amounted to 10 with other events in the intervals (Dio 60.6.4.)

Along with this outlay of money, Claudius also had a building program and the continued expense of the legions (Claud. 20.1). The cost of his two aqueducts, the construction of the port of Ostia and the draining of the Fucine Lake cost large sums of money. The estimated cost of the work at Fucine alone was between 6.9 and 8.3 million sesterces. The expenses Claudius had to deal with is reflected in the frustrated comment he made that the treasury could be restored if he went into partnership with Narcissus and Pallas. Yet, Claudius was not known as a legacy hunter or subject to taking a hefty bribe.

Claudius adopted a simple lifestyle and he removed the more onerous taxes imposed by Gaius, also returning confiscated property (Dio 60.6.3; 4.1). Claudius was interested in having a well-funded treasury if only so his own funds would not have to be used to supplement expenditures, as happened with the construction of his two aqueducts. In 42, Claudius appointed three ex-praetors to collect debts due to the state and he personally supervised the management of sales and leases of state property. In 44, questors replaced the ex-praetors to collect state debts. Dio 60.4.4; 10.3,8.1). The peace that Augustus had secured and maintained by Tiberius had encouraged economic growth in the provinces and fostered a rise in the population. When Claudius took his census in 48 there were one million more Roman citizens than in 14 (Ann. 25.)

Under Claudius the financial system underwent centralization into a single fiscal fiscus. A special fund was created called the patrimonium Caesaris to provide for the costs of the imperial household and avoid confusion between Claudius’ private and public accounts. Tighter control over tax collection was instituted with the creation on procurators to supervise their collection brought an increase of revenue. The person behind these reforms was probably Pallas.

1  Leverick, op. cit., p. 95.