Morality
Domitian saw himself, like Augustus,
as a supervisor of the morals and beliefs of his subjects. His moral stance is illustrated
by his treatment of the Vestal Virgins, the daughters of the community for whom a moral
transgression was considered incest. Domitian, unlike Vespasian and Titus, did not cast a
blind eye on their behavior (Dom. 8). Vestals were tried twice before Domitian, as
pontifex maximus, for incest. In the first trial, three Vestals were found guilty but were
allowed to select the method of their deaths and their lovers suffered only exile. In the
second trial, the chief Vestal, Cornellia, was found guilty and sentenced to the
traditional punishment of being buried alive. Her lovers, except one who confessed, were
beaten to death.
Domitian's reign was a period when justice was generally dispensed with
impartiality if with severity. His penchant for following the traditional approach is
demonstrated when the flamen Dialis, an important state priest, wished to divorce
his wife. Domitian granted the request but insisted that it be done in the time-honored
way using horrendous rites and incantations.[1]
The Censorship
As coins inform us, Domitian assumed the censorship in 85 becoming CENSOR
PERPETUUS later that year. The office had been held by Vespasian and Titus in 73-4 but
Domitian's assumption for life and that this fact was advertised widely by his coinage was
a new and startling development in the powers of the emperor, which no later ruler went so
far to assume. Aside from supervising morality the censorship allowed the emperor to
control admission and expulsion of the senatorial and equestrian orders.
Domitian performed his duties as censor with his usual concern for
administrative detail. Such minutiae as expelling an ex-questor from the Senate for acting
and dancing and punishing corrupt jurors underwent his scrutiny (Dom. 7-9). The
assumption of the censorship was Domitian's most serious threat against the aristocracy.
Vespasian had consulted the Senate as a matter of form but Domitian took the office of
emperor to the conclusion implicit in the position itself but not openly declared: the
power of the state was vested solely in the emperor. Even Martial, who is usually
enthusiastic about Domitian's actions, hardly mentions the censorship (1.4 and 5.8).
It was not until the reign of Septimius Severus (following the defeat of
Clodius Albinus) that the Senate found itself merely assenting to the emperor’s will
and its members excluded from important posts.[2]
Dominus et Deus
Suetonius relates (Dom. 13) that Domitian dictated a letter that
began, "Our Master and God orders" and that this became a regular form of
address. Statius (Silvae 6.83-84), on the other hand, says that Domitian rejected
the title dominus, as Augustus had done (Aug. 53), on the grounds that it
was the form of address slaves used to their masters. Slaves did address Domitian in this
way on inscriptions but there is no other epigraphic evidence to support the regular use
of dominus et deus. Later writers insisted that Domitian had ordered the use of
this form of address (Aurelius Victor, De Caes. 11.2) while Suetonius mentions that
the imperial couple was saluted as dominus et domina upon entering the amphitheater
(Dom. 13).
Terms of flattery used to secure imperial favor like that of Juentuius
Celses, who wished to persuade Domitian he was not part of a conspiracy (Dio
67.13.3-4), or used by Statius and Martial (Mart. 5.8 and 10.72) does not prove
they were forced to adopt it. Domitian did not develop a cult around himself as Caligula
is alleged to have done (Gaius 22) and the use of "Dominus et Deus"
cannot be proven to have been common usage beyond his courtiers.
Pliny addressed Trajan using the word domine, and because of the
emperor’s popularity may have used deus in public address.[3] Martial used the
word dominus in regard to Titus (De Spectaculis Liber 2.10-12.) Ultimately
the use of the phrase dominus et deus was not what caused hard feelings but the
demand of Domitian for respect and reverence that reminded people of his high status.
Games and Entertainment
In 86, Domitian inaugurated the Ludi Capitolini based on the games Nero
had held (Nero 12) which had been discontinued. They were held every four years in
the summer and attracted competitors from many nations. Like our modern Olympic games
great sums of money were spent on new buildings, such as the Odeum and Stadium in the
Campus Martius.
The games were divided into three general types: chariot racing and
athletics, gymnastics, music and singing and oratory and poetry in Greek and Latin.
Domitian kept the Greek influence of the games evident by dressing in a purple toga and
wearing a golden crown with representations of Jupiter, Minerva and Juno (Dom. 4).
He personally awarded each victor an oak wreath. Domitian was not content to be a
spectator, especially during the gladiatorial portion when he could not hide his loathing
of Thracians (Dom. 10) and would express his annoyance if someone he did not favor
won a competition (Dom. 13). Many moralists frowned upon the injection of Greek
culture into Roman society. Pliny approved the abolition of similar games held in Vienna,
wishing the same could be done at Rome. (Letters 4.22).
The Ludi Saeculares or Secular Games were held in 88. The celebrations
have an Etruscan origin and the ceremonies are recorded in the Sibylline Books, marking
the end of one age or saeculum and the beginning of a new one. A saeculum
was a cycle of the universe defined as 110 years, the longest span of human life. When a
new cycle began the planets returned to their original positions and the same people, who
had lived in the prior cycle, would return to repeat their exploits. During the Republic
an official known as the quindecimviri, who under the empire was relegated to
assisting the emperor, conducted the ceremonies. Like many such events the Secular Games
were not held precisely each 110 years. Domitian calculated his games from the year
Augustus should have held his games (23/22 BC) instead of the postponed date of 17 BC.
The ceremonies were performed for three successive nights and days. The
night sacrifices were held at the Terentum, a volcanic cleft in the Campus Martius near
the Tiber and the day events had different locations. On the third day 27 girls and 27
boys whose parents were living would sing a hymn composed for the games. Augustus included
a further seven days of entertainment at the circus and theater. Domitian commemorated his
games with a series of bronze coins that provide a virtual record of events.
The ceremonies began with the distribution of purifying elements (torches
and sulfur) to the people. This is identified by the reverse inscription: SVF(FIMENTA)
P(OPULO) D(EDIT) and depicts the people receiving the elements from the emperor (RIC-376).
Another reverse type shows the reception of wheat, oats and beans (fruges) from the
people by Domitian and is identified by: FRVG(ES) AC(CEPIT) (RIC-375).
The sacrifices are represented beginning with the first night offering of
a black sheep and goat to the Fates (RIC-381, BMC-430). A white ox was sacrificed to
Jupiter on the Capitol on the first day (RIC-382 & 386, BMC-438). On the second night
cakes were offered to the Ilithyiae (the daughters of Juno) (RIC-383, BMC-434) and on the
second day, Domitian is depicted dictating a prayer to Juno (RIC-377, BMC-424). On the
third night a sow with young are shown as a sacrifice to Terra Mater (RIC-378, BMC-425)
and the choral procession of boys and girls, abbreviated to three, is found on another
reverse (RIC-379, BMC-426). The sacrificial scenes follow a general pattern of showing the
emperor with flute and harp players with the sacrificial victim. The architectural
features may represent actual buildings but cannot be identified with certainty.
Lavish public entertainment was ordered by Domitian (Dom. 4) who
innovated the proceedings by introducing naval contests and scheduling gladiatorial
contests at night (Dio 67.8.4). That these events were costly is demonstrated by
the Saturnalia of 88 at which Domitian provided the audience with figs, plums, dates,
cakes and partridges (Silvae 1.6). For the circus, he added two new teams, gold and
purple (Dom. 7).
The Provinces
Domitian's good administration of the provinces is attested by Suetonius (Dom.
8), who says the emperor took care to control his officials ensuring they were honest and
intent on work. The judgment of Suetonius is sound as he had first hand knowledge as
Hadrian's secretary. The scope of extortion among officials was vast and nearly impossible
to control, but with Domitian's interest in the minute details of governing a brake was
put on such illegalities.
What Domitian expected from his administrative appointees is illustrated
by a letter sent to the procurator of Syria, Claudius Athenodorus, instructing him in
authoritarian language. The letter differs from the polite exchange between Pliny and
Trajan by being bluntly to the point and shows Domitian intent on orders being
followed.[4]
Domitian was fond of Greek culture and was the first emperor to be elected
eponymous archon at Athens. He also restored the temple of Apollo at Delphi at his own
expense and extended the temple of Artemis at Ephesus. On the basis of surviving town
charters, Domitian promoted the Romanization of Spain by granting Latin rights to about
129 towns. The charters gave local communities latitude in maintaining ambassadors and
sources of revenue without the interference of Roman officials.[5]
Opposition
At the conclusion of the Judean War, Vespasian imposed a tax on the Jews
known as the fiscus Iudaicus. This tax was one formerly paid by the Jews to the
Temple (first a third, then a half- shekel) and would henceforth be paid to Rome to
maintain the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter. The diversion of funds to a pagan temple was
particularly offensive and humiliating to the Jews who, in effect, were paying for the
right to worship.[6] Tax liability was also extended to women and there was no age
limitation. However, Vespasian did not cancel any of the privileges of exemption from
participating in the Roman state cult.
Domitian sought to extend the tax to those who lived a Jewish life without
admitting it and those who concealed their national identity to dodge the tax. Suetonius
recorded seeing an old man stripped naked to prove he was not circumcised (Dom.
12). There is no evidence that Domitian forced the Jews to commit idolatry, especially
since Nerva was later credited with halting only the method of the tax collection and not
restoring Jewish liberties (commemorated by the issuance of a sestertius (RIC-58)).
However, the threat existed and made many Jews uneasy.
Domitian resented converts to Judaism regarding such actions as
"atheism" by neglecting the State religion, and he prohibited such conversions.
In 95, Flavius Clemens, his wife Domitilla and Acilius Glabrio were charged, according to
Dio (67.14.2), with atheism leading to the exile of the Domitilla to Pandateria and
execution of the men. Suetonius mentions no religious charges and describes Clemens as a
"contemptibly lazy man...killed on the slightest suspicion" (Dom. 15).
The execution of Clemens for political reasons does not exclude sympathies to Judaism and
atheism could have been one of the lesser charges.
In Christian tradition Flavius Clemens and Domitilla have been portrayed
as Christians singled out for persecution (the first to make the claim was Symcelles in
the 8th century). It is unlikely that Clemens was a convert as members of the Christian
sect avoided public life and Clemens was executed following a consulship. Nor could a high
Roman magistrate reconcile the practice of the Jewish faith with such service.[8] The
famous catacombs of St. Domitilla was once considered as archaeological evidence that she
had been a Christian but the cemetery cannot be dated before 150 CE and contains pagan as
well as Christian burials. The martyr Domitilla was actually transmogrified from
Domitian’s niece and was a virgin who laid down her life for her faith. The real
Domitilla was the mother of at least seven children. Likewise, there is no evidence that
Domitian persecuted Christians and efforts by later Christian writers to portray
Christians as having suffered during his reign are legends.[9]
The term "Philosophic" or "Stoic Opposition" is
misunderstood as neither Vespasian nor Domitian had a quarrel with philosophers. In fact,
Domitian gave 100,000 sestertii to Flavius Ardeppus to allow him to purchase a farm
describing him as a "philosopher, an honest man, his character in accord with the
profession" (Letters 10.58). Stoicism itself had no quarrel with monarchy.
Instead, the so-called "Stoic Opposition" were several generations of a closely
related group of aristocrats known for their devotion to Stoic philosophy.
Nero executed two members of this group, Barca Soranus and Thrasea Paetus,
for advocating, but not actively pursuing, the overthrow of his government. When Vespasian
became emperor he was openly criticized by the "Stoic Opposition" for turning
the monarchy into a hereditary possession. This proved to be too much for Vespasian, who
was determined to found a new dynasty, and in spite of his past friendship with Soranus
and Paetus (Hist. 4.7) he refused to be conciliatory. There followed an order to
expel philosophers from Italy and Helvidius Priscus, a leading member of the opposition,
was executed.[10] Titus held the same view as his father. When Soranus and Paetus were
executed he promptly divorced his wife, Marcia Furnilla, the niece of Soranus, and did not
return to her after Nero's death when it was safe to do so.[11] Because his reign was so
short and fraught with disasters, Titus never had to deal with the "Stoic
Opposition."
What has come to be regarded as Domitian's "reign of terror"
began in 93 when seven members of the "Stoic Opposition" were brought to trial
for making derogatory remarks on the Flavians or the principate (Letters 3.11; Agr.
45). Of the accused, three were executed: Herennius Senecio and two senators, Arulenus
Rusticus and Helvidius Priscus (whose father had been executed by Vespasian). The
remaining four were exiled and their property confiscated. They were, Arulenus's brother,
Junius Mauricus, and his wife Gratilla, Arria, wife of Thrasia Paetus and Fannia, wife of
the elder Priscus (and her third exile (Letters 7.19)).
Unlike his father, Domitian made the conciliatory gesture of granting
suffect consulships to Priscus and Rusticus the year before their trial and awarded one to
T. Avidus Quitus, a friend of Arria and Fannia in 93. Before this, in 85, Priscus's
son-in-law, Herennius Pollio, had held the office (Letters 6.29, 9.13). The
reporting of this trial reflects the bias of Dio who spends much time defending
Vespasian's execution of Priscus (65.12-13) calling the condemned man "a turbulent
fellow who cultivated the favor of the rabble." Yet, Dio condemns Domitian for
executing Senecio for writing a biography of the seditious elder Priscus (67.13).
Following the trial, Domitian issued a decree banishing philosophers from
Rome and Italy, which included Epictitus and Dio Chrysostom. There was only a single
banishment, not two as has been asserted, which is supported by Suetonius (Dom.
10), Pliny (Letters 3.11.2) and Apollodorus (Vita Apoll. 7.3).
Relations with the Aristocracy
Early in his reign Domitian made his autocracy clear to the aristocracy.
Whereas Vespasian and Titus had consulted the Senate as a matter of form, Domitian had no
wish to disguise the nature of the monarchy and did not attend meetings of the Senate with
any frequency. Giving no less offense was the conversion of the house where he was born
into the Templum Gentis Flavie and renaming the month of September
"Germanicus" (in honor of his German victory) and October (his birth month) to
"Domitianus." However, Augustus had set the precedent when he renamed a month
after himself and July for Julius Caesar.
Pliny describes the atmosphere of the Senate saying that no senator dared
open his mouth and a single man expressed the viewpoint for all of them to follow. When
Domitian was present he put on an attitude of respect for the Senate but once outside the
curia he was a autocrat (Pan. 76). Those who were not his favorites, Domitian hated
and treated them like slaves. Pliny also speaks of an invasion of privacy, when spies
would even listen to prayers at the family shrine (Pan. 62 & 68). Apparently,
informers would hope for a slip of the tongue however slight. Domitian dealt sternly with
the aristocratic members of the Senate but there exists evidence that he made some
concessions.
During the reigns of Vespasian and Titus only 6 of 24 ordinary consulships
were held by non-Flavians. It is understandable why Vespasian was criticized for turning
the principate into a hereditary office. Pliny praised Trajan, who seemed reluctant to
assume the consulship, for opening the office of consul to ordinary people (Pan.
58). However, Domitian had essentially accomplished this. After 82/83, when he adhered to
Vespasian's practice of holding the consulship with a family member, he abandoned it
allowing family members to hold 5 of 10 available posts. From 89 through 96 only 4 of 16
ordinary consulships went to Flavians, although Domitian held the consulship for all but
four years.
Pliny also praises Trajan for honoring old Republican families with the
consulship, whose distinguished ancestors had held the office before them (Pan.
69). However, of all consulships held during Domitian's reign all but 7 were had consular
fathers. Despite his autocracy, Domitian did not ignore the senatorial establishment by
refusing what was due them.[12]
For example, on January 13, 87, C. Calpurnius Piso Crassus Frugi
Licinianus became suffect consul replacing Domitian. In the following year, Calpurnius's
brother, Libo Frugi, was granted a similar consulship. This is remarkable in that both
were descendants of Pompey and Crassus with a turbulent family history. Their father was
one of four sons born to M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, consul in 27, who was executed by
Claudius with one of his sons for conspiracy. Of the three surviving sons, M. Licinius
Crassus Frugi, consul in 64 (and the father of Domitian's consuls), was executed by Nero.
Another son, L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinius was the Piso adopted by Galba. Clearly, a
dangerous pedigree did not prevent Domitian from granting honors. The consul of 87 lived
up to his family reputation for getting into trouble with the principate. Nerva exiled him
for conspiracy (Dio 68.3) and Trajan sent him to an unknown island (Dio
68.16).
Even following the revolt of Saturninus, Domitian persisted in his
practice of granting honors to potential enemies despite the inauguration of a "reign
of terror." An example is Pliny who, although he was associated with the opposition,
received a post at the military treasury from Domitian. Later, he was allowed to become
praetor without waiting the obligatory year following military service. Even though Pliny
says he feared he could be placed on trial (Letters 3.11), like Tacitus, he
prospered during Domitian's reign.
The Senate felt most threatened as Domitian created in new members who
were loyal to him. As censor, he had the power to revise the Senate membership by directly
admitting new men. Many of these men came from the east so the composition of the Senate
changed with an increase of non-Italians from the reign of Vespasian (33% to 38%).
Domitian added as many as 24 easterners whereas Trajan added from 6 to 13. He also
appointed an easterner, Ti. Julius Candidus Marius Celsus, as proconsul of
Cappadocia-Galatia, which was unprecedented. Domitian also angered the Senate by showing a
preference toward the equestrian order. Without exception, army commanders had been a
senatorial officer, such as Vespasian when he assumed command in Judea. As his commander
in Dacia Domitian selected his praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus, an equestrian (Dom.
6). In 87/88, he appointed C. Minicus Italus, also an equestrian, procurator of Asia after
the incumbent had been executed.[13]
Domitian executed 10 former consuls (named by Suetonius (Dom. 10))
and exiled many others. He took no notice when the Senate passed repeated decrees that an
emperor should not execute anyone of his own rank (Dio 67.2). Dio cites numerous
occasions when senators were executed but names none of them (67.3 (83 CE), 67.4 (84 CE),
67.9 (before 89 CE), 67.11 (89 CE), 67.12 (91/92 CE), 67.3 (93 CE) and 67.14 (95 CE).