C.Julius Civilis was a Batavian nobleman and served as a cohort commander.  Famed for their superb cavalry, the Batavians had long served as auxiliary units for the Romans (Dio 60.20.2, 6; Hist. 2.17.2).  Civilis had been implicated in the revolt of Vindex and was taken to Rome where he was imprisoned.  Freed by Galba be was arrested again on his assassination but freed by Vitellius who recognized Civilis as a valuable auxiliary commander. Civilis may have been a friend of Vespasian, having met him during the invasion of Britain.  Since Civilis was a serving commander of auxiliary forces it is likely that Vespasian sent him a letter asking for his support.  The chaos of the civil war was a perfect time for Civilis, who saw himself as another Arminius, to rebel against the Romans under the guise of supporting Vespasian.

When Vitellius left for Rome to become emperor he left four depleted legions on the Rhine under the command of Hordeonius Flaccus who was too old for command and had too few troops to counter the impending revolt (Hist. 1.9.1).  Civilis allied himself with Julius Classicus (a Treveran prince), Julius Sabinus (of the Lingoes) and Julius Tutor.  Pretending to support Vespasian Civilis put together an alliance of Germanic and Gallic tribes to create a Gallic empire.  The tribes included many of the unconquered Germanic tribes, the Batavian auxiliaries and the Gallic Treviri and Lingones tribes but other Gallic tribes held back their support. The Batavians declared for Vespasian in response to an appeal by Primus and they immediately came under attack by the remnants of Vitellius’ legions but they were unsuccessful and, in turn, were attacked by the Batavians at the garrison of Vetera.  The depleted legionary garrisons (consisting of what remained of legions IV and XXII) could not put up much resistance: the garrison of Vetera was forced to surrender and all were massacred while those at Novaesin and Maguntiacum were forced to swear an oath of loyalty to the Gallic empire.

Mucianus sent Q. Petillius Cerialis, who probably had connections to the Flavians, north to end the revolt.  Cerialis deployed seven legions to the Rhine and joined the Batavian’s in battle in July or August 70, severely defeating them but Civilis escaped.  Slowly, the Romans rolled up those who were still in revolt and eventually Cerialis and Civilis met.  Civilis agreed to end the revolt and was allowed to cross the Rhine and take refuge with Julius Classicus.

The Senate met for the first time under the occupation of Flavian forces on December 21, the day following the murder of Vitellius, to confer the powers of emperor on Vespasian.  The new emperor and Titus were elected to the consulship and Primus was granted consular insignia.  During the session, Titus and Domitian were designated Caesar and given the title princips iuventutis, which Augustus had devised for his adopted sons and Nero used prior to his accession.   A delegation was appointed to present the respects of the Senate to the new emperor.  

When Mucianus left Vespasian to begin his march on Rome, he was referred to as the emperor’s colleague, a term first applied to Agrippa in Augustus’ reign.  Mucianus finally entered Rome around December 25 and lost no time in acting the part of an emperor: he executed the young son of Vitellius and Cassus Scribonianus, the elder brother of Galba’s heir Piso.  Later, to make amends, Vespasian would grant Vitellius’ daughter a generous dowry. Mucianus also disposed of Antonius Primus.  The general had been promised the governorship of Tarraconensium Spain by Mucianus but it was awarded to a more senior senator.  Primus attached himself to Domitian, probably hoping to have some influence with Vespasian, and sat as a member of the young Caesar’s advisory board.  Domitian also invited Primus to accompany him to Gaul to deal with the rebellion of Civilis but Mucianus refused and also forced Primus off Domitian’s group of advisors.

Ultimately, Primus was accused of inciting Crassus Scribonianus to declare himself emperor; to clear his name Primus made the journey to Alexandria to see Vespasian.  Although some might have considered him a hero Primus had used force to eliminate Vitellius instead of allowing diplomatic means to end his reign, he had been unable to stop his troops from destroying the city of Cremona and Primus was busy celebrating the Saturnalia when Sabinus fought the Vitellians and lost his life.  The new emperor allowed Primus to keep his life and retire to his native Tolosa, and so the soldier who had literally brought Vespasian to power, albeit against Mucianus’ orders, disappeared from the scene.

To combat the obstructive nature of some senators Vespasian’s supporters pushed for the passage of the Lex de imperio Vespasiani, a bill that legitimized Vespasian’s actions prior to the passage of the act and recognized his claim to power from July 1, 69 which the Senate had been reluctant to allow. [1]  The law also allowed Vespasian to deal with Rome’s allies without consulting the Senate and strengthened his control over the election of magistrates.  Helvidius Priscus hardened his opposition against Vespasian after the passage of the act.  Priscus cared about senatorial freedom of speech which some emperors like Tiberius and Vitellius encouraged.  However, in his quest to confront Vespasian on this issue Priscus alienated many senators.

As praetor designate Helvisius Priscus proposed the rebuilding of the Capitol without waiting for the new emperor, which was duly rededicated with Priscus in official attendance on June 21, but actual work was not begun until a year later when Vespasian carried the first load of rubble.  Priscus also pushed for trials for those senators who had betrayed their colleagues under Nero and demanded that the imperial archives be opened to better discover informers.  Domitian, however, refused to allow the release of the documents unless his father sanctioned the act.   Priscus ignored the emperor in his praetorian edicts and when Vespasian arrived he greeted him by his given name as if leaving off the titles of emperor would somehow deny him the office.

Vespasian arrived in Rome in late September 70, the month of the 100^th anniversary of the battle of Actium, having maintained a court at Alexandria for eight months.  He was greeted ecstatically by the people and it probably was at this time that he received the title father of his country.  The fall of Jerusalem in the same month concluded the Judean War, with only the fortress of Masada remaining.  Titus’ infatuation with Queen Berenice left him open to the accusation that he would set up an independent empire in the East with Berenice as a second Cleopatra.  Titus had given cause for concern after he was acclaimed imperator on the fall of Jerusalem and had taken to wearing a diadem.  On his return to Rome there were fears that he would challenge his father but were laid to rest by Titus’ submission to his father.  The Senate had voted both Titus and Vespasian a triumph and the emperor decided to hold an elaborate double triumph a few days following the arrival of Titus in Rome in June 71.  Josephus tried his best to give an account of the extraordinary procession but admitted it was impossible to describe (BJ 7.132).  The joint triumph gave emphasis to Titus’s position as heir-apparent, especially as the Senate had first recommended separate triumphs (BJ 7.121).  In the procession Vespasian and Titus were dressed identically and spoke the same prayers (BJ 7.124 ff.).  Gold and silver objects, fashioned for the procession, were like a flowing stream and the captives that were in the procession were dressed in rich garments, with any disfigurements caused by the war carefully hidden.  Tableaux in the procession reenacted successive stages of the war and most prominent of all were the spoils from the Temple, in particular the golden Table of the Divine Presence and candelabrum. The Temple of Janus was briefly closed after the triumph but the doors were opened in 72. 

Because he had assumed power as the result of civil war, like Augustus, Vespasian feared the possibility the empire might disintegrate on his death.  He adopted the same solution as the first emperor by providing his heir with power and recognition to make a transfer of power smooth. 

Within three years of Titus’s return, he held the proconsular imperium, tribunicia potestas, the censorship and became Praetorian prefect; all imperial acclamations were jointly credited. To further bolster the new regime, the military exploits of Titus were extolled by Josephus in his history. It has been assumed by some historians that Titus was virtual co-ruler with his father but it is clear that he remained the second most powerful man (Titus 6.1).  Vespasian distinguished himself from Titus by holding the titles Augustus, pater patriae and pontifex maximus.  Titus was always styled Augusti filius during his father’s reign to point up the fact he was not Vespasian’s equal. 

Nero had allowed Claudius to be deified to stylize himself divus filius but once accomplished he allowed the cult to fade and destroyed the temple that his mother Agrippina had begun.  When Vespasian became emperor, Claudius was referred to in the Lex de imperio simply by his name, not Divus Claudius, the Senate preferring to dismiss the cult.  Vespasian was not willing to forget the emperor who had granted him triumphal insignia and restored the cult rebuilding the original temple to grandiose dimensions with his birthday (August 1) celebrated with games.  The cult of Claudius fell into oblivion once again, probably due to Pertinax sharing the same birthdate, and the Severans preferred to honor Divus Pertinax over Divus Claudius. [2]

Vespasian did nothing to give the Senate a partnership role in the administration of the empire and treated them as a group from which he could select individual members for service.  There was a fundamental disagreement between Vespasian and several senators as to when the Senate needed to be consulted.  A point of contention between Vespasian and the Senate was who would succeed the new emperor.  At the age of sixty, it was not expected that the new emperor would have a long reign (which proved incorrect).  To provide for a smooth succession, it was proposed to the Senate that Titus be granted the tribunician power, dating from July 1, 71, following the precedent when Tiberius conferred the power on Drusus Caesar.  There was reluctance among some senators to grant the request which caused Vespasian to remark that either his son (Dio 65(66) 12.1) or sons (Vesp. 25) would succeed him.  Titus already held the post of Praetorian Prefect and could impose his authority if necessary to keep the new dynasty in power.  In 71, coinage reverse types included CONCORDIA SENATVI and PROVIDENTIA but as if to signify bad relations with the Senate, the types soon disappeared.

During 70-72 the so-called Stoic Opposition was vociferous in its criticism of the new emperor which led to the exile of the Cynic philosophers and Helvidius Priscus.  Vespasian had connections with the Stoic Opposition through Barea Soranus and Thrasea Paetus but his friendship with Apollonius of Tyana was a complete fiction. Priscus, in contrast to his father-in-law Thrasea Paetus, who absented himself from the Senate to protest Nero’s misconduct, was active in his obstructive attitude toward Vespasian and engaged in some slanderous political attacks on the emperor and his amici.  The Lex imperio had given Priscus reason to harden his position and in the debate that granted tribunician power to Titus the dispute became heated enough for the emperor to walk out on the meeting (Dio 65(66) 12.1).  Dio says that Priscus hated Vespasian and courted death with his behavior by opposing Vespasian in whatever he did, even advocating revolution.  Epictetus, however, saw Priscus as a model of virtue fulfilling his role as senator despite Vespasian begging him not to attend sessions (Epict. 1.2.18-24).  Vespasian could not afford to be the perpetual target of Helvidius’ insults nor could he allow a senator to preach sedition.  Some time around 72, Helvidius was exiled but continued to agitate and his activities were considered dangerous enough for him to be executed in 74 or 75.

There was an active opposition to Vespasian from the Stoic and Cynic philosophers.  The Stoics had no argument with monarchy as long as it did not degenerate into tyranny but the Cynics were rabble-rousers and anarchists.  Mucianus was also a target of the philosophers and it is no mistake that their exile from Rome probably occurred during his third consulship (May – December 72).  Demetrius the Cynic was sent to an island from where he continued to agitate against Vespasian. The emperor sent him a message commenting that he did not kill a barking dog (Dio 65(66)11.2-3).  After this, Mucianus appears not have had Vespasian’s confidence since he offered him no other offices and Mucianus showed little respect toward his former friend; his death occurred around 77. As with Helvidius, the Cynics continued to attack and provoke Vespasian from exile. For a time, Vespasian was patient but finally was forced to act and execute several of the philosophers.

After he had made it clear to the Senate who was master and had exiled Paetus and the Cynics, Vespasian mixed firmness with humor.  Attempts to make fun of his country accent or remarks that noted his social inferiority were met with the same ambivalence as flatterers. He showed that he was confident in his new position and that he knew that his claim to power was as good as any man.  Even when Mettius Pompusianus was denounced for possessing an imperial horoscope the incident was treated as a source of humor rather than a capitol offense. Pompusianus was even allowed a consulship (Vesp. 14, Domit. 10.3; Dio 67.12.3). 

To build up his prestige, Vespasian held the consulship seven times as an ordinarius during his reign and members of the Flavian family held three-quarters of these consulships. In 73-4, Vespasian and Titus held the censorship allowing them to expel and admit new people to the senatorial and equestrian orders.  Vespasian followed the example of Claudius (who held the censorship in 48) and kept the office for only one year.  The number of patricians had diminished due to the civil war and persecution so men of merit, like M. Ulpius Traianus and M. Annius Verus, regardless if they were Italian or provincials, found their careers advanced.  More significantly, the office allowed Vespasian to purge adherents of Vitellius from the Senate and bring in his own supporters.  Vespasian opened up the Senate to men from the provinces, especially from the East.  Although Italians dominated the makeup of the Senate, the influx of easterners was significant: under Domitian they made up about 26%. [3] The influx of men from the provinces also meant that they would be putting some of their wealth into Italian land. 

On becoming emperor, Vespasian stated that 4,000 million sestertii (HS) were needed to put the state back on sound financial footing.  It has been estimated that annual revenue from taxation was about 800 million HS or, put another way, imperial finances were behind five years. [4]  The dire situation was underscored by the meager 100 HS donative Vespasian made to his troops.  Eighteen months earlier Galba had promised his army 1,250 HS each with six times that amount going to the Praetorians.  Along with the day-to-day needs of running a government, Vespasian had to restore damage caused by the Civil War, including the rebuilding of Cremona, the Capitol and repairing the damaged roads.  Taxation of the provinces rose as they became wealthier. A drain on the treasury had been the extravagances of Nero and so was the maintenance of the legions, particularly since there were few opportunities to wage a war that would bring in large amounts of booty.    Pliny the Elder noted that a statue of Alexander that Nero had gilt was stripped of its gold by Vespasian (NH 34.63).  The new emperor acquired a reputation of being a miser with public funds.  Vespasian was voted a statue costing one million HS but held out his hand saying, “Give me the money; this (his palm) is its pedestal” (Dio 65(66)14.5)

Vespasian increased the rate of old taxes, re-imposed some taxes that had been abolished by Galba and created new ones, such as the tax on fullers that Titus found objectionable (Vesp. 23; Dio 65(66)14.5).  He appointed a financial agent named Tiberius Julius, who was an imperial freedman and participated in the Jewish triumph, taking the position that Pallas had held under Claudius. [5]  Perhaps the best know tax was the Fiscus Judaicus that was originally paid by Jewish men aged 20 through 50 for the maintenance of the Temple but now the money was used to pay for the rebuilding of the Capitol.  The tax was extended by Vespasian to women up to the age of 62 and children from age 3.  The tax of 8 HS, calculated with the six million Jews living under the Empire, would bring in an estimated 40 to 48 million HS a year. [6]  When the Capitol was completed, around 76, the tax remained and the money was probably used to rebuild Rome after the fire of 80.  Vespasian also rescinded the freedom from taxes that Nero had granted to Achaea and annexed Commagene in order to obtain more taxpayers.  It was also said that Vespasian would appoint rapacious individuals as praetors and after they had returned to Rome, wealthy after fleecing their province, he would make sure a good portion of their profits went into the treasury (Vesp. 16.2).  Financial security for the empire meant political security for Vespasian and also showed that firm control was being exercised over the provinces.  Unlike Tiberius, Vespasian was not afraid to spend money on public projects but he kept a strict account of where the money went, even if it was to “love for Vespasian” (Vesp. 22).  He also supported needy but deserving senators with a yearly grant of money and encouraged education by making donations to poets and other writers and establishing professional chairs, a milestone in Roman education (Dio 65(66).12.1a).  Quintillian was appointed to the chair of Latin Rhetoric and Vespasian granted some teachers immunity from taxation.

Among Vespasian’s first concerns was to restore discipline and order to the army; the competition between the German, Danubian and Eastern legions to create their own emperor had been ruinous.  The legions that had disgraced themselves during Civilis’ revolt by swearing allegiance to the Gallic empire were disbanded, the soldiers dispersed to other legions.  The legions that disappeared were I, IV Macedonica, XV Primigenia, XVI Gallica and V Alaudae.  The undersized VI Galbiana and XVIII were combined to form the VII Gemina. Cutting back from thirty-two legions to twenty-eight also helped to save money. Vespasian reduced the Praetorian Guards from the sixteen cohorts they had grown to back to the original nine.  As active campaigning had diminished frontier defense became the primary function of the armies.  Temporary forts became permanent structures made of stone and auxiliary units saw their roles changed to permanent assignments loosing their mobile characteristics. To insure against future civil wars, Vespasian broke up the large garrisons on the Rhine and Danube spacing them out to give fewer opportunities to combine their strength.  Auxiliary units were transferred out of their native districts and were placed under Roman commanders instead of native chieftains. The provinces began to supply more men although recruiting in Italy remained strong, but by Hadrian’s time provincial armies derived all of their recruits locally and the legions came to look more like the auxiliary soldiers from their origins and their length of service, which was extended to twenty-five years.

Despite his support of Vespasian during the civil war, King Antiochus IV of Commagene was deposed in 72 for allegedly carrying on treasonable negotiations with Parthia.  Antiochus offered no resistance but his sons took up arms against the Romans and eventually fled to Parthia where they were well received, at least until Vologases agreed to hand them over to a Roman centurion who was acting on Vespasian’s mandate. King Aristobulus of Lesser Armenia also lost his kingdom around 71 but went quietly and was compensated with the principality of Chalcis.

The continuation of the conquest of Britain became a priority under Vespasian. Wales still remained unconquered at the start of his reign and became the primary objective.  The new emperor carefully selected his governors based on their military capabilities and distinguished careers.  Q. Petillius Cerialis (probably Vespasian’s son-in-law who had defeated Civilis) served as governor from 71-73/4 having earlier commanded IX Hispanic during the rebellion of Boudicca. Cerialis’ objective was the pacification of the Brigantes, who had burned down a Roman settlement led by Queen Cartamandua. [7]  After several battles the tribe was broken and Cerialis returned to Rome in 74 to receive a second consulship.  His successor, Sextus Julius Frontinus (73/4-77) spent much of his time consolidating the conquest of Wales by building roads and network of fortresses, and he subdued one tribe – the Silures in southern Wales. Frontinus’ successor, Cn. Julius Agricola (77-83) had also served in Britain under Cerialis and during his time as governor carried the conquest of the island to its furthest limit. By 79, the Romans were at the border of Scotland when Titus called a halt to further expansion, after taking his 15^th imperial acclimation. Agricola received orders to advance from Domitian that culminated in the battle of Mons Grappus in late 83.   

When Vespasian returned to Rome he granted the people a gift of money in the sum of 300 HS.  Rome still showed signs of the devastating fire of 64 and Vespasian set about rebuilding the city. He urged private contractors to restore the city allowing anyone to build upon any unoccupied sites. However, he also affirmed Claudius’ SC Hosidianum that forbade the demolition of a building for gain. Vespasian restored at his own cost the Claudian aqueduct which had been out of service for at least 9 years and added his own inscription on the Porta Maggiore below Claudius’.  The state of the roads became one of Vespasian’s principle concerns.  He repaired the Appian Way to Brundisium, the via Latina to Capua, the via Cassia to Luca and the via Flaminia to Ariminium.  He built a new road, aptly named the via Flavia, from Tergeste to Pola, through land that required a great deal of clearing and excavating (CIL 10, 6817, 6894, 6896, 6901). He also funded building projects in the provinces such as a bath in Lycia for which he helped gather the funds needed.

The complex that was dedicated to Pax has been called a temple (Vesp. 9.1; NH 34.84) and a forum (Amm. Marc. 16.10; Symmachus Ep. 10.78).  It was built over the Republican Macellum, situated between the Basillica Aemillia and Argiletum that was destroyed in the fire of 64. In architectural design, the complex was a large colonnaded square with a great hall in the south eastern end with two rectangular rooms on either side. Running down the length of the square were six strips that are thought to be water channels for fountains.  The great hall was separated from the square by six columns and contained an apse that perhaps held a cult statue.  The building resembled a peristyle rather than a temple or forum and was a museum that housed Greek artworks and the spoils of Jerusalem.  The function of the building was a monument celebrating the power of the Roman war machine. [8]  It was no coincidence that in the same year the building was dedicated Vespasian and Titus extended the Pomerium symbolizing the expansion of Roman power.

 The building was completed in 75 and was described by the elder Pliny as among the most beautiful in Rome (NH 34.84, 35.74, 36.101; BJ 7.159-161).  The complex was Vespasian’s first major monument in Rome and with its theme of peace would have reminded citizens of Augustus’ Ara Pacis; the fact that Vespasian’s building was opposite Augustus’ forum was no accident.

Inside the temple precinct were the spoils taken from Jerusalem and the building complex included two libraries, one containing a marble plan of the city similar to the later Severan plan. Among the great works of art that were housed in the building were the heifer of Myron, the bronze ox (thought to have been by Lysippus) and the works of art Nero looted on his tour of Greece.  The art gallery reminded Romans of the places they had conquered since all of the art works had, at one time, been included as spoils in a triumph. [9]

According to Pliny the Elder, the shape of the amphitheater came into being in 53/52 BCE when Scribonianus Curio Iunior staged theater and gladiator contests to honor the memory of his father.  He built two enormous wooden theaters facing each other.  Theatrical performances were held in both structures but when the gladiator contests were held the two theaters were joined together forming the now familiar shape of the amphitheater (NH 36.116-120).  Although Rome regularly staged gladiatorial contests in the forum Romanum, the city lacked a permanent amphitheater until the building of the Colosseum, about 100 years after the amphitheater of Pompeii (ca. 80 BCE). The Amphitheatrum Flavium was built on the site of the lake of Nero’s Domus Aurea, which was drained.  The structure was known to Dio as the Hunting Theater but from the time of Bede (673 – 735) it was called the Colosseum (Dio 79.24.2); the nick-name originated from the colossal bronze statue of Nero (estimated at 29.5 to 35.5 meters high) intended for the atrium of the Domus Aurea.  In 75, Vespasian had the head removed and replaced with one of Helios (NH 34.45; Vesp. 18.1, Nero 31.1; Dio 65(66).15.1). 

The Colosseum has a massive foundation, circular in shape, made of concrete mixed with volcanic rock with a wall made of porous stone constructed as a restraining wall; the flooring was travertine blocks quarried at Tivoli that resists wear.  The exterior of the Colosseum is composed of four levels, each corresponding to identical levels of the interior.  Individual levels are composed of concentric corridors that become fewer as one climbs higher: the first level has four corridors, the second level three; the third has two and the fourth a single corridor.  Of the eighty arches sixty-eight provided access to the general public with six reserved for civil and religious dignitaries and six reserved for those involved in the games.  The arches of the second level are the same width as those on the first level but are two Roman feet (.59 m) lower. The third level arches are also the same width and are slightly lower than the second level (.05 m).  Each level is adorned with a different style capitol: Doric on the first, Ionic on the second, Corinthian on the third and Corinthian pilasters decorate the solid wall of the fourth level with rectangular windows cut in every second section.  The area of the arena is an ellipse 86 m long and 54 m wide and the amphitheater had a seating capacity of around 50 thousand; as anyone who has attended large audience events knows getting people out at the end can be a problem. In the Colosseum exit paths were clearly marked and the numbered exit portal was marked on the tokens that were given to spectators to identify their seats.  Metal rails were also used to mark exit paths and were removed after performances.

Vespasian’s legislation was limited to fine tuning older laws.  He modified the SC Claudianum of 52 (which held that children of a slave by a free woman would revert to being the property of the slave’s master and the woman would also become a slave) to require the formal refusal of the master of the liaison between the slave and free woman for her to become a slave.  Also, in situations where a free man unknowingly cohabited with a slave woman any children born of the union were considered to follow the status of the parent of their sex; Vespasian changed the law so that any such children would follow the status of the mother. Another law of Claudius, the SC Macedonianum, was aimed at preventing sons from borrowing on their strength as potential heirs was changed to provide that no action for the borrowed sum would go against the parents once the son became independent.

Vespasian departed from the policy of Augustus to distinguish Italy from the provinces and he pushed further Claudius’ initiative of assimilating Italy and the provinces, even to Romanizing wealthy provinces as full partners in order to take advantage of taxing them.  This was the beginning of a trend where Rome gradually faded as the center of power as military operations on the frontiers demanded the presence of the emperor.  From the mid third century, it was no longer necessary for an emperor to even visit Rome with centers like Mediolanum (Milan) rising in preeminence.  Vespasian also continued Claudius’ initiative for colonization.  Most of the provinces received troop settlements, particularly in Africa where Roman control needed a boost.  In the Balkans, Moesia, facing the tribes of the Danube, saw the creation of many colonies that began to urbanize the area.  Latin rights were granted to all of Spain, given to recognize the progress of Romanization in the province and Vespasian also drafted leading men from Spain into the administration of the empire.

Vespasian set a moderate tone for the principate after the extravagances of the Julio-Claudians and sought greater simplicity at court.  He turned away flatterers and eliminated the grades of admission to the emperor making himself available to everyone (NH 33.41). In contrast to Claudius, Vespasian did not require anyone who was admitted into his presence to be searched and treated senators as social equals often exchanging dinner invitations with them (Vesp. 12, 14; Dio 65(66) 10.4-6).  Experience had taught Vespasian to not allow his freedmen the exercise of excessive power, even though he had benefited from the influence of Narcissus.  Freedmen remained a part of the administration of the empire but were limited in their authority.  Vespasian also paid special attention to the equestrian order and sought to advance promising knights.

The prospect of Titus becoming emperor, with his ambitious and ruthless behavior, filled many Romans with dread.  From the beginning several senators were troubled with the establishment of a new dynasty, particularly with Galba’s precedent of adopting an heir fresh in their minds.   Titus was also responsible for employing agents who would denounce anyone who was deemed to be dangerous to the new regime and often these suspected enemies would be led off to execution (Titus 6).  Domitian was a possible future heir but could be offered little by Vespasian who followed Augustus’ model when he advanced Tiberius with his grandsons Gaius and Lucius as heirs apparent.  A military career was kept from Domitian so as to provide no opportunity to outshine Titus but there were few opportunities for the younger son to make him name.  An offer by the Parthian king Vologaesus I for Titus or Domitian to lead some auxilia against the Alani was rejected by Vespasian (Dio 65(66).15.3)

In 79, as Vespasian began to show signs of ill-health, a conspiracy was formed by an anti-Titus faction.  Two Cynic philosophers, named Diogenes and Heras, managed to enter Rome despite Vespasian’s earlier edict of expulsion.  Their appearance was probably secured by the conspiracy leaders Eprius Marcellus and Aulus Caecina (called Caecina Alienus by Dio) in order to create ill feeling toward the Flavians.   Diogenes entered a theater and denounced Titus and Berenice; Heras made similar speeches.  The pair was apprehended and punished; Diogenes being flogged and Heras beheaded (Dio 65(66).15.3).   Suetonius states that Caecina had a speech he was going to deliver to the troops (Titus 6.2) while Dio comments that he already had secured the support of many soldiers (65(66).16.3-4).  No doubt it was remembered that ten years prior Caecina had used his powers of persuasion to elicit support for Vitellius (Hist. 1.53).  Clearly, the security of the dynasty was in jeopardy.  Titus invited Caecina to dinner in the palace where he was murdered as he left the dinning room.  The motive for Eprius Marcellus (mentioned only by Dio), joining the conspiracy is obscure; he was tried before the Senate, condemned and committed suicide (65(66).16.4).  The murder and trial of two of their number aroused ill-feeling in the Senate that had to be appeased.   Berenice had always been unpopular and as a gesture of conciliation Titus sent her away; she returned briefly in 80 in a final attempt to marry Titus but it was impossible and Berenice departed never to see him again. 

Late in the spring of 79, Vespasian contracted a slight fever while in Campania.  Nonetheless, he traveled to Rome and then on to Aquae Cutiliae, as was his custom during the summer, to take the medicinal baths.  His stomach became affected, possibly through an infection aggravated by Vespasian’s desire to carry on his normal duties (Vesp. 24).  He disguised his illness, refusing to be examined by his doctor and became worse; he died on June 24 following an attack of diarrhea.[10]  He tried to stand, insisting that an emperor, like an old soldier, should die on his feet.  His reported dying words: “Oh! I think I am becoming a god” is a joke of the time and bears resemblance to Claudius’ last words, “Oh! I think I’ve messed myself” (Vesp. 23).  Vespasian’s death bore similarities to Claudius’ questionable end. Suetonius presents the death of Vespasian without any hint of foul play, yet there were rumors that Titus had poisoned his father, which were believed by the emperor Hadrian (Dio 66.17.1).  The rumor indicates the extent of Titus’s evil reputation.

As numismatic evidence confirms, Vespasian was not deified for about six months following his death, possibly because there was opposition in the Senate or Titus might have delayed believing the deification might be treated as a joke, as was the case with Claudius. [11] The cult, however, became one of the most popular and the hexastyle temple of the deified Vespasian (and later Titus) was built in the northwest end of the forum next to the temple of Concord.

The portraiture of Vespasian marked a major break with his Julio-Claudian predecessors by showing him realistically.  The emperor is depicted as he was: a balding sixty-year-old with a lined face and neck, a broad forehead, closely set eyes, arched eyebrows and a hooker nose. His thin lips give voice to Suetonius’ statement that Vespasian “wore a strained expression on his face” (Vesp. 20).  Significantly, Vespasian’s portraits show him aging so his hair recedes, his cheeks become creased and his eyelids sag.

The chief mint for Vespasian was Rome but coins were also issued at Tarraco in Spain, where Galba had established a mint, and at Lugdunum, whose mint had been revived by Vitellius.  Tarraco struck in all metals, all of which are very rare and Lugdunum was active particularly during Civilius’ revolt.  As with Nero’s coinage, a globe was added at the tip of the bust at Lugdunum.  Mints located in the East operated in places such as Ephesus and Commagene during the Flavian revolt.  The mint of Rome was probably damaged in the fire of 69 as Vespasian’s coinage from 69-70 is rare; the mint had reopened by 71 in time to issue coins to mark the triumph of Vespasian and Titus. Vespasian took imperator as his praenomen as had earlier emperors and he also adopted the title Augustus but he broke precedent by combining the family name Caesar with imperator in place of his own praenomen Titus. The office of pontifex maximus appears on obverse legends from 71 – 73 but the title pater patriae never appears.

The earliest reverse types concerned the establishment of the new dynasty (depicting Titus and Domitian) and hopes for the quick return of the absent emperor with types of Fortuna and Neptune.  Many type extolled the restoration of liberty (LIBERTAS AVGVSTI, LIBERTAS PVBLICA and LIBERTAS RESTITVTA, the latter type depicting Vespasian raising up the personification of liberty with Roma looking on) and the assertion that the Roman people were now free (SPQR SERTORI LIBERTATIS PVBLIC(AE).  Coins commemorating the fall of Judea followed soon after the capture of Jerusalem in September 70 with the famous IVDEA CAPTA types showing the figure of a Jewess in mourning representing the province and tied to a palm tree (symbolizing Judea) or before a trophy of arms.  A type that recalled the ending of the Civil War was MARS ULTOR showing Mars advancing holding a spear and a legionary eagle. 

When Vespasian became pontifex maximus in November 70, P. M. was added to his titles and the simpulum, sprinkler and jug type, emblems of his new office, appear as a reverse type in commemoration.  Titus’ share in the government was noted by the CONCORDIA AVGVSTI type.

Sestertius - Judea Capta

The triumph of Vespasian and Titus celebrated in June 71, offered an opportunity for several new types. The emperor is depicted driving a triumphal chariot holding a laurel branch and eagle tipped scepter and a new variant of the IVDEA CAPTA type was created showing the victorious emperor standing with a foot on the prow of a ship with a suppliant Jew and Jewess before a palm tree.  The emperor is also shown on horseback, spearing a fallen enemy and another significant type shows Vespasian on a platform receiving an Eagle from a winged victory, possibly the Eagle that was lost in Judea by Gallus in 66.  [12]  Titus and Domitian were depicted on a type with the legend SPES AVGVSTA, offering them as the hopes of the new dynasty.

In 73, the year Vespasian and Titus held the censorship, a FIDES PUBLICA type was issued depicting clasped hands holding a caduceus for prosperity and corn ears symbolizing agriculture that promises a return to prosperity and abundant grain.  The same idea is included in the Pax types where along with the olive branch appears a caduceus symbolizing commercial success.  Vespasian is assuring the Romans that the peace brought by the Flavians will bring prosperity.

Pax makes an appearance among Vespasian’s early issues and remained for his entire reign with a peak year of issues in 75 to mark the completion of the temple of Peace.

The temple of Vesta appears as a type beginning in 73 and significantly differs with the type issued by Nero. Vespasian’s temple shows four columns compared to Nero’ six and the statue that appears between the columns is seated in Nero’s and standing in Vespasian’s type. Absent from the Nero Vesta are the two statues that appear on either side of temple.

The year 73 also marked the beginning of restored reverse type from earlier emperors.  A PONTIF MAXIM was modeled on the famous type of Tiberius, only instead of Livia the seated figure is that of a man.  A type from Claudius’ reign also made an appearance; the PACI AVGUSTAE with a winged Nemesis.  The year 74 marked the first century since Augustus had formulated the principate and to commemorate the event additional restore types were issued beginning in 75.  The butting bull and Capricorn types of Augustus were issued as was a Victory on a prow type from a quinarius of Augustus, a reference to the victory of Actium.  Around this time, Vespasian issued an undated IOVIS CUSTOS type reflecting the issue of Nero following the detection of the Pisonian conspiracy and doubtless referring to the failure of one or more plots against Vespasian.  To distinguish the type from Nero’s Jupiter is standing instead of seated.

The undated AETERNITAS type, with the figure of eternity holding the heads of the sun and moon, voiced hopes that the Flavian dynasty would continue without end; his sons succeeded Vespasian but eternity lasted only another seventeen years.

Like Augustus, Vespasian made peace and prosperity his priorities.  He was the first ruler since Tiberius who had extensive military experience.  But unlike his predecessors, Vespasian was a simple soldier: a general who marched at the head of his troops, his food was whatever was offered and his clothing was little different from that of a common soldier (Hist. 2.5). Vespasian is portrayed as a reluctant emperor, chosen by destiny.  Ancient writers record several anecdotes concerning omens that predicted his rise to power: a dog presents him with a human hand, an ox (a symbol of power) does obeisance and the prophesy of Josephus are just a few.  Despite the colorful stories, the Flavians came to power through a well organized revolt due in no small part to the diplomatic skills of Titus. Vespasian could not have succeeded without Titus, who settled the differences between his father and Mucianus paving the way to revolt.  Nor would he have been the same kind of emperor: while Vespasian presented the face of an affable ruler he could do so because Titus saw to it that the new regime stayed in power.

After the excesses of Nero, Vespasian knew that a simpler touch was needed. Dio (65(66).10.1-11) says that Vespasian behaved like a private citizen rather than an emperor and Pliny the Elder states he was accessible to all (NH 33.41).  Suetonius highly regarded him for his mercy although he also comments that Titus kept him in the dark about some of his activities as Praetorian Prefect.  Vespasian allowed free speech among his friends and was not troubled by jokes made at his expense (Vesp. 13; Dio 66.11.1).  Mucianus was said to have lacked proper respect for Vespasian but was only reprimanded in private by the emperor.  He arranged to provide the daughter of Vitellius with a dowry and for her to marry a senator but he also treated Vitellius’ relatives with respect (Hist. 1.59).

Vespasian was up before dawn to begin his day’s work; he insisted on dressing himself although someone of his rank would have had servants perform the task (Dio 65(66).10.3-4; Vita Apol. 5.31; Vesp. 21).  His reputation for being stingy was not warranted.  Vespasian held frequent dinner parties to aid food sellers and was generous with presents to men during Saturnalia and to women on the Kalends of March. [13]  But his reputation for being stingy persisted.  At Vespasian’s funeral, the actor Favor, as was custom, carried a mask of the deceased in order to imitate his deeds.  Favor quizzed the procurators as to the cost of the funeral and finding it was four millions sestertii exclaimed give me a hundred thousand sestertii and you can even throw me into the Tiber (Vesp. 19).

After to horrors of the civil war, Rome was fortunate in having Vespasian to restore the Roman state; he gave stability when it was most needed and restored peace to a troubled land.  For this alone he deserves to be remembered as among the most effective of the emperors.