Poe makes much of this geometric angle in several of his writings, most notably and clearly in
EUREKA, and Carey and Poe were not unknown to one another. It is also an important element in Kepler
who brought Liebniz into geometry on the basis of demonstrating the definition of line as the diameter of
a circle, and that of the point as the intersection of two such diameters, as opposed to Euclidean geometry
which defines from point to line to circle -- the monad/field aspect in Liebniz. What was of concern to
Carey was "the process whereby man becomes more and more civilized." (71) This is an application of
monadology and field to society. The advance of the human species was the object of capital creation and
accumulation:

	"What Carey could not forgive in the English school of political economy ...
	was that they assigned to civilization the role of pursuing not happiness
	but wealth and power ... " (72)								

     In actuality, the distinction involves the beginnings of 'the first intimations of an original American
philosophy of labor and production:" (73)

	" ... it is no matter of surprise that modern English political economy sees in
	man only an animal that will procreate, that must be fed, and that can be made
	to work -- an instrument to be used by trade; that it repudiates all the distinctive
	qualities of man, and limits itself to the consideration of those he holds in common
	with the beast of burden or of prey; ... or that it assures its students that 'labor is
	a commodity.'" (74)

It is especially curious that Bruckberger can construe the faith of Carey in man's importance and intrinsic
value to indicate that "Carey was a true Jeffersonian," (75) because of the "fundamental divergence in
their views of the human species."

      "The ultimate objective of all human effort," Bruckberger says describing Carey's political economy,
"was not just the accumulation of the things of this world, but the achievement of civilization itself, in
other words, the creation of a more and more civilized mankind." (76) This would not be accomplished by
revolution or exploitation, but through "the association of all men for their common purpose." He might
have added: "Anything else would be uncivilized." THE IMAGE OF AMERICA finds Carey not only
peculiarly American, but the entire "sense of the continuity of progress," as profoundly so. (77)  He
articulates this in drawing the distinction Carey makes between appropriation and property:

	"He believed that there cannot be property except where there is labor
	and productivity." (78)

     The act of reaping where or what one has not sown is appropriation and it is only "in the second stage
of man's economic development" that there is property:

	"Then, to make labor less difficult and to increase production, they entered
	into an association with one another and shared the common tasks. The more
	production was increased and diversified, the easier and more remunerative
	their labor becomes, especially when their tools had been perfected. This
	primary and basic association of men for the increase of production and 
	general welfare was what Carey called 'commerce.' By commerce he meant
	all  interchange of goods, ideas, services, and tools, wherever in space and
	whenever in time this interchange took place." (79)

And since the fact of distance in trade creates obstacles for association:

	"Carey envisaged an industrial society which, although exceedingly widespread,
	would remain an organic whole, with an almost complete economic autarchy of 
	of small communities within the larger, general community of civilization." (80)

This, Bruckberger insists, is readily apparent of the reality of American life today.

     There is in Carey though, Bruckberger asserts, an inherent mistrust of the state. From this, he sees the
element of Jeffersonianism, but quite importantly, he quickly moves beyond that to describe Carey's
influence on Lincoln. And here, one sees not only the clear disconnect with Jefferson, but also the almost
hidden and secret wellspring of much of Lincoln. The solution to slavery was industrialization of the
South which would raise the value of labor and make it an unviable institution. To assist toward that end,
Carey kept urging upon Lincoln the construction of a trans-Southern highway and North-South railway
network. 

     What Bruckberger turns to next is describing his IMAGE OF AMERICA even more clearly articulates
the importance of Carey regarding the spirit of America. Although it is conceivable that he does go a bit
overboard in his attribution, for he does later pose some rather less enlightened characteristics, there is
much more than a kernel of truth in his assessment. Relatively speaking, the industrial working situations
prior to the current century were perhaps some improvement over other situations of labor, present or
otherwise, but they were hardly a picnic. Much the same can be said of wages. But it is equally true that if
such things were problematic in the United States, they were much worse in Britain (of outside of
manufacturing in this country). Such was the situation of capitalism in 1912. The 'prophet of the new
Messiah' who "would transmute Carey's ideas into concrete form" (81) was Henry Ford:

	" ... the emancipation of worker and peasant for which Marx longed, Ford also kept
	constantly in mind. But he was convinced that the machine itself, the increase of
	mechanization, could at least make possible, if it could not actually bring about,
	that upheaval and that emancipation." (82)

     Ford's genius was his mechanics, so represented by his tools. His methodologies were not new to him
and have become so prevalent in our society that they are often taken for granted, not original to any
particular effort or mind. And what he did remade capitalism both structurally but also philosophically:

	" ... he envisioned its role as essentially apostolic and missionary. Success soon 
	proved the truth of the idea. Ford actually thought of himself as a kind of St Paul,
	charged with the burden and anxious care, not of all the churches, but of all the
	regions of the world, sending out to all people everywhere, not epistles, but 
	automobiles, trucks, tractors, and engines; carrying to every nation of the earth,
	not a message of supernatural hope, but a promise of progress and liberation. 
	Henry Ford considered himself, and was, prophet and apostle of the machine, its
	witness and its martyr." (83)

     Ford himself, in his writings, made use of language out of the Apocalypse, referring to the 'new
heaven' and the 'new earth' that would ensue, the most important thing of which was production of a new
life. Money only mattered as it caused production to take place (84). It followed work and man's power to
create in importance. That is what was meant earlier in the reference to making money, not cars. Of
course, the two are inseparable, but with Ford as with Carey, there was a shift of emphasis:

	"In work Ford saw life's joy and purpose. Work was not a livelihood; work 
	was life itself. 'Thinking man,' he wrote, 'knows that work is the salvation
	of the race, morally, physically, socially. Work does more than get us our
	living; it gives us our life.' As a true Puritan, he reduced all morality to the
	practice of a single virtue -- work. Just as the devout Christian finds the
	highest expression of his faith in martyrdom, so Henry Ford found the most
	perfect expression of man's labor and productivity in industry, and held it 
	to be sacred and honorable."  (85)

     With the 'zeal of an apostle,' Ford sought "to bring his solution to the entire world." (86) It would lift
the 'drudgery' from man. In a very real sense, and this has become true of America as it was of Henry
Ford, tools were very much 'sacred' items. They should properly be included in the earlier listing of such
artifacts, as Greenfield Village should among our 'sacred places' or shrines. According to Ford, "Rightness
in mechanics and rightness in morals are basically the same thing and cannot rest apart:" (87)

	"But  what is essentially human in man's behavior lies beyond his mechanical
	reactions, beyond any form of determinism. Carey saw this clearly. Man sets
	himself free and begins to approach his true human stature only by controlling
	his mechanical reactions and mastering physiological, psychological, and social
	determinisms." (88)

This was a determinism which would free man's will and allow man to have the potential for vanquishing
squalor. His philosophy of wages exploded the 'iron law' of Ricardo and gave to man the dignity of the
status of 'customers' in addition to 'creator.' (89)  Ford wrote in 1912:

	" ... there is no doubt that the man who can produce a car that will be entirely
	sufficient mechanically, and whose price will be within the reach of millions who 
	cannot yet afford automobiles, will not only grow rich but be considered a public
	benefactor as well." (90)

In this, Ford, like Carey, was essentially a non-Euclidean (91), and:

	" ... since Henry Ford, it [the American Republic] has bent every effort to 
	establish and secure for all the right to the pursuit of happiness." (92)

     Then, too, it substantiated "Carey's ideal of social harmony" as "eminently practical and practicable."
(93) Though Bruckberger sees in Ford a failure to envision Carey's civilizing aspect of industry and he
follows through the shortcomings we often connect with Ford's thinking, yet it was his applications which
made possible the basis for moving even beyond the handicaps which grew out of the structuring of his
production empire. Without the enhancement of labor power for which the changes out of Carey and Ford
have been so vital, the bounty and prosperity of American society could not have been possible. To an
extent, this was the result of a lawful process of market forces, thought the issue of willful action over
determinism is an important one. Whatever assessment one may make with regard to the role of organized
labor, it is critical to understand that marginal revenue product is ultimately the arbitrar of wages. While
unions may have contributed to rising wages, the only way to increase them is through increased
productivity through labor power. Collective bargaining can effectively force firms toward technological
advance which will have that impact on productivity, it often does so at the cost of the elimination of some
jobs, though they are ultimately created elsewhere by the process. That, of course, involves the possibility
of considerable dislocation and a necessity of retraining and the like. Economic wage theories on the
supply and demand of labor demonstrate how in any event real wages will be set by market forces.

     This does not  leave us kneeling at the feet of Mammon. It does not indicate that "the people bowed
and prayed to the neon god they'd made." In fact, quite to the contrary, the entire philosophy expressed by
the Idea of Progress is very much part and parcel of the essence of Christianity. This was one of the major
themes in Feuerbach (in his work by that title). But it is certainly not limited to Christianity, either. Our
public faith does not supersede other religious traditions and convictions, but growing out of them, it
functions as a common denominator which undergirds each of them, and serves as a social glue binding
us together inextricably. That is what elevates the Association phenomenon in Carey to the level of a
virtual theology of the American civil religion. And that is precisely the theory expressed in the
delineation of the social construction of religion. Each of the expressions of the minimal units of religious
behavior of that public invention are manifestations of that public philosophy. The entire construct
possesses an internal consistency of thought, belief, and practice which indecipherable from the
constitution of the faith. Such association is the geist of our culture. 

     There is a danger in the accumulation of capital particularly in Third World nations that social surplus
not be applied, or allowed to flow, to economic development. State apparati which block such processes
are a danger to the human species. It is not merely that the flow of capital to 'better' investment in the
advanced sector to the exclusion of domestic advance is effectively 'imperialism.' Such practices have
harmful impact on the entire human condition. In such instances of 'market failure' the Hamiltonian
perspective is critical. Such promotionalism is thus unquestionably mandatory. There is also a danger to
our Republic posed by its current plight of being burdened down by a public sector complex seeking to 
run the nation from the halls of Washington, D.C., besieged by a cultural war and inundated by a world
experiencing what we used to call a 'revolution of rising expectations.' For what profit it a nation to gain
the whole world and suffer the loss of its soul? The Cold War may have been 'World War III' in many
respects, but the Fourth World War will in truth be a Third World War. The pertinence of Hamiltonian
promotionalism for understanding the Constitutional regime has been underscored recently by Doron Ben-
Atar. Writing in The William and Mary Quarterly (July 1995, LII:3, p396-7), such support for capitalist
development is articulated in exactly the terms enunciated here earlier. 

    Now we are engaged in a great civil war testing whether we have the moral fitness for survival. But this
certainly does not mean that businesses which make big profits and then lay off workers are being
immoral, no matter how many times Robert Reich may say so. Perhaps he would prefer that they take
losses, retain unneeded workers, and preclude their own continuation and advancement as noncompetitive
dinosaurs. It short order, that would bankrupt not only the businesses concerned, but the entire national
economy.  No matter what spin is put on it, such profits will fuel development, creating wealth and jobs. If
the 'middle class' today is suffering from stagnation of wages, that is the only way to advance beyond that
state, together with reducing the tax burden and the concomitant public sector complex burden grinding
us down in non-productive activities (currently, the top one-third of incomes pay two-thirds of the tax
burden). And increasing minimum wage levels will scarcely help. It would increase unemployment among
the least skilled, swelling the ranks of the 'underclass.' And were it to secure increased nominal wages,
since wages cannot exceed marginal revenue product, the result would simply be a correction in real wage
levels downward, as through inflation.  Perhaps an even worse ruse is that which argues the 'excessive'
profits should in fairness be taxed so that business pays its fair share. But taxing business is a sham -- it is
merely another way of taxing consumers, indirectly, because as a cost of production, it must and will
simply be passed on  in higher  prices or lowered wage bill. It would also simply feed the leviathan of
government, and increase its 'control' over our lives. The bottom line is the failure to recognize that
wealth is not a fixed entity -- it must be produced. But this is the dismal conclusion of fixed wealth and
resource mentality. It always comes down to Malthus.

     But the world is not over-populated. It is underdeveloped. The solution to that problem is to develop
the world. Actually, at current development levels, we probably need twice the number of people currently
on the earth producing at the highest possible level to produce the standard of living for everyone that
each of us would like to have. To reach that level of technological operation, it will have to be financed.
And that will necessitate more debt. But the government and the Third World are already too far in debt!
Yes, and no. We could structure an international credit system as an act of governance, have it 'assume'
the entire federal and Third World debt by 'refinancing' it at low interest rates over long term, and
guarantee payment on those terms to those to whom the money is owed, posing to them the unattractive
alternative of losing the investment entirely eventually. That assumed 'debt' on 'deposit' with the system
then becomes 'wealth,' much as a deposit or loan at the bank is wealth, and could be used to make loans
for development projects around the globe. This is fundamentally what Alexander Hamilton did in 1789.
His Reports on Public Credit, a National Bank, and Manufactures describe this clearly enough. We could
stipulate that much of it would have to spent here in the United States, creating hundreds of thousands of
new jobs.  The loans could be used to finance technology transfer, such as that envisioned by Pope Paul VI
in his encyclical ON THE PROGRESS OF PEOPLES some three decades ago. It could finance, for
example, the purchase of tractors and other agriculture implements for Russia, India, Africa, and dozens
of other areas desperately in need of them -- tractors that could be manufactured in Detroit. The huge debt
problem would also be eliminated. What is more, much of the hysteria over government finance suffers
from perceptions of limitations which stem from zero sum notions of wealth. That is not to argue that the
deficit is not out of control. The budgetary process has been. Whether the new Congress from 1994 can
balance the budget by 2002, though obviously important, is somewhat beside the point. During the 1980's,
subsequent and consequent of the Reagan Kemp/Roth tax cuts, government receipts actually tripled (as
they had during the previous two decades). Projecting the forward, receipts can be conservatively
estimated to reach some $ 30 trillion by the middle of the next century -- at current or lower tax rates. 
That dwarfs even a $ 6 trillion debt. Were it possible to acheive a sustained discipline over spending,
especially that of domestic entitlement/dependency programs and pork barrel boondoggles (a category
which must be scrutinized carefully because what is one person's pork may be society's boon), and given
that kind of revenue growth, the capacity to finance such operations as those described below would be
present. It should not be overlooked that capital expansion would only enhance the capabilities and that
such investments would increase that potential, returning wealth on investment many fold. Nor should it
be forgotten that the greatest increases in revenue proceed from reductions in marginal tax rates. Thus, the
funding of these sort of endeavors is really a matter of policy choice, discipline, and wisdom and foresight.  

     By way of example, we can look at Africa to see what this could mean. As the most undeveloped
continent, it is also the world's most underpopulated  area. It is usually called overpopulated. Large areas
of Africa are semi-arid or arid land which is good soil for food cultivation, except that it is too dry. More
water  is needed, such as in the Sahel, and it is available -- in the oceans. Mass produced nuclear power
stations could be built and sold to Africa. The would be simpler and cheaper and safer to operate, and
produced in the United States. They could be used to boil and desalinate salt water. Irrigation projects
could be built to turn that land into rich, productive farm land in need of tractors to work it. Africa could
more than feed itself. The plants or 'nuplexes' would also produce electricity for further development
needed there. Allowing people the opportunity to raise themselves from poverty and hook into the
mutually interdependent world breeds peace and lessens conflict. This is, after all, what Carey called
Association.  There are innumerable other options. In Egypt, there is a huge area called the Qatar
Depression. Now desert, it is also below sea level. A canal built from the Mediterranean would fill it as a
huge inland sea. Surrounded by desert, the evaporation would turn the area into agricultural climate and
the movement of water could be harnessed for hydro-electric power generation. There are many areas in
Africa which are prime prospects for hydro-electric power generation. President Kennedy once said that
any water in the Columbia River which reached the sea was a waste, and the same message applies to
Africa. The possibilities range with our imagination. There was once a plan to construct a system of dams
on the Congo or Zaire and the Ubangi Rivers. The lakes which would form behind them would displace
few and produce electricity. A system of canals could then be built to divert the water to enlarge Lake
Chad, turning the area around it from desert into productive farm land.  Africa is also in dire need of a
modern infrastructure of highways and railroads, not unlike we have built, in regard to the highways,
since the 1950's. 

     There are dozens of opportunities for such projects around the world. The Japanese have been involved
in the construction of a canal across the Malay peninsula to relieve the shipping pressure on the Sumatra
Straits, which is a narrow and over-burdened shipping link, and the area around the canal will become a
development area, as well. A system of canals and pipelines to transfer water from the Great Lakes to the
southwest and Mexico was once promoted as NAWAPA. The water level of the lakes would remain
constant with the building of a canal from James Bay's fresh water to Lake Superior. Supertankers
presently cannot navigate the Panama Canal. A new virtually sea level canal across the isthmus could be
built to accommodate them, and greatly enhance the economies of the area. A canal from the
Mediterranean to the Dead Sea would do the same for that area of Israel, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia as the
Qatar Project in Egypt. The United States is greatly in need of an expanded merchant marine and
submarines could be engineered as more efficient oil tankers. Both of these industries are desperately in
need of work. The St Lawrence Seaway is in need of upgrading and expansion. The United States could
purchase Baja from Mexico and Siberia from Russia. Both areas are 'gold mines' of undeveloped 
resources which the two countries could gain capital they need by selling. And we need both the land and
the resources of both. China is in need of a canal system connecting its rivers and a modern highway and
railway system. And its vast markets represent not only sales potential but emense creative potential, as
well. There is not an area on earth for which there are not similar possibilities, whether that be India,
Bangla Desh, the Rio de la Plata, the Mekong Delta, Russia, or central Europe. Development would also
go far to defusing the treacherous situation which has developed in the former Yugoslavia. All of these
and many more require only the political will to undertake.

     The red tint of the Martian surface may not mean that it is rich in iron deposits, but it is certain that it
is resource rich. There are unimaginable possibilities for wealth creation. There will have to be proper
infrastructures built on the ground and in space to support mining or whatever operations can be
undertaken with colonies or settlements on the moon and Mars. We will need service centers for
transference in space; stations will be of tremendous value in research and manufacturing. We will also
need transport craft and shuttle fleets of present and future generations of technology, and it will be
important to structure a Space Guard to service the system and all the related projects of years to come. It
would be appropriate to structure the project as private enterprise, involving all who wish to participate --
and profit -- from such endeavors. And even without 'warp' engine technology, exploratory ships to reach
out even further are simply a matter of political will. Whatever it costs will be returned a thousand fold in
new wealth and technologies, as was the case with NASA. What is more, no mention has been made of
the potential for the computer revolution, hydroponics, fusion research, of SDI technology. As Eldridge
Cleaver put it, "the future of the world is in the hands of the American people." if we only have the vision,
courage, and will to fulfill the promise as we have in the past, and as our public faith propels us. There are
literally no limits within which the human mind need be confined. 

     There is, however, an issue of communication within such association remaining as an issue to be
considered. Jurgen Habermas has expressed concern that distorted dialogue limits emancipation in any
society, and a number of writers, including Bellah and Abbott, have addressed this problem with the
concept of languages. For Abbott (1991), one can look at our political thought through history as a 'series
of debates and conversations' which have been conducted in five primary and general 'languages.' The 
possibility exists  that to the extent we are addressing one another in different languages, we may be
talking passed each other with very little real communication. Curiously, however, although
Habermas(1979) expresses concern over detrimental impact of such 'babel' on emancipation in
intellectual, social, and political spheres, it is not clear that he does so in terms of economic emancipation,
except as it is related through these other categories. 

     If such 'language' problems complicate our public discourse, this is less a problem in the economic
sphere, perhaps, than others. It is with certainty not mandatory that inequality, at least in economic terms,
precludes meaningful discourse, though it may present a deeper dilemna in the other areas. But even that
requires some qualification as equality, like perfection generally, is an idealized state which can be moved
toward but never 'attained.' Like perfection, communication is a process. The economic aspect may be
critical, for devoid of it, the other will necessarily be incomplete. That is not to suggest that Habermas
must 'back up' through the Frankfort School's reason to Marxist political economy, nor does it denigrate
the notion of a need for improved dialogue of the necessity of criticism. Habermas, to be sure, deals with
economic matters, but the difficulty lies in inherent premises of requisite equality.




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