Sports have been associated with religion for eons of human history. While they were not singular in
this regard, the ancient Olympics were played in honor of Zeus. The Mayan culture possessed not only a
religious 'ball' game played in a pit, but the team that won was that left living at the end. There have been
very widespread, if not universal, such devices. In the words of Rabbi Rudolph Brasch:
	"Its roots were in man's desire to gain victory over foes seen and unseen,
	to influence the forces of nature, and to promote fertility among his crops
	and cattle."(15)
Many half-time ceremonies of football games have patriotic themes to them:
	" ... the marching bands ... form massive representations of the American flag.
	Meanwhile, overhead, U.S. air force planes fly intricate, close formations ...
	The games are usually opened with prayer by a clergyman (it doesn't matter
	whether the invocker is Protestant, Catholic, or Jew), who offers prayer before
	the hushed thousands in the stadium shamelessly linking God, country and 
	good sportsmanship in his intercessions ... before leaving the dressing room,
	most teams have already had their 'devotions,' led by one of the players ..."(16)

     Never known for understatement, Sydney Harris did a 1981 column in which he opined that "Sport"
was "the True Opium of the People."(17) One may bemoan the degree of commercialism, the overpaid
players, a supposed over-emphasis on winning and under-emphasis on sportsmanship, that it has turned
into a religion and a business (as Harris did), but far from rendering a segment of the population static
through a devastation of the spirit, what it actually does is to instill the competitive spirit. Some may think
that a bad thing. "Let them come to Berlin!"
     In the January 9, 1995 issue of Newsweek(18), there appeared an article on the 'Newt Right,'
contrasting it with earlier incarnations of conservatives since World War II. The intensity of the animus
that raged following 1994 is understandable if inexcusable. The unflattering photo of Newt Gingrich was
to be expected given the source, but the attribution of the Roth-Kemp tax cut to 1978 and the Carter
Administration is incredible (one has become more used to more usual rhetorical bluster about the tax cut,
that it helped create the deficit, that it cost the government trillions, or that it was a break for the rich on
the backs of the poor). With regard to Wallace's minimal units, the listing of 'sacred texts' for each of the
periodic conservatisms emphasizes the point exactly:
Table X - I   AMERICAN SACRED TEXTS
			Leaders				Sacred Texts

The Old Right		Goldwater, Thurmond,		ROAD TO SERFDOM, Hayek
1952-64		Tower				WITNESS, Chambers
							CONSCIENCE OF A CONSERVATIVE,
								Goldwater

The New Right		Reagan, Kemp, Helms		FREE TO CHOOSE, Friedman
1964-80						THE WAY THE WORLD WORKS,
								Wanniski
							GULAG ARCHIPELAGO, Solzhenitsyn

The Reagan Right		Reagan				WEALTH AND POVERTY,
Gilder
1980-1989						HUNT FOR RED OCTOBER, Clancy

The Newt Right		Newt Gingrich			WAY THINGS OUGHT TO BE, Limbaugh
1989-							BOOK OF VIRTUES, Bennett
							THIRD WAVE, Toffler

     To be even-handed, the 'other' side of the political spectrum has its 'inspired' literature, as well --
Harrington's THE OTHER AMERICA, Galbraith, Ralph Nader, Rachel Carson, any number of diatribes
against the Reagan years, Robert Reich, etc, but there are a geandre of mythologies, oral and written
which are an ark of the morality and other aspects of our belief system -- what Wallace terms 'reciting the
code.'

     In the National Archives building in Washington, D.C.. one cam actually view the original copies of
the Declaration, Constitution, and Bill of Rights. Picture-taking is not permitted, however, for the flash of
the bulb in the dark and hallowed halls would lend to their fading. A little like Plymouth Rock, but
justifiably so, they are sealed in cases for observation. Importantly, they seem to be doing at least as well
as the Pilgrims' stone and somewhat better than Lenin. In retrospect of some time, it seems that a
'Pentateuch' was displayed there, including in addition to those mentioned also the Articles of
Confederation and the Gettysburg Address.

     It is not sealed in the 'ark' of the 'temple'  from which they serve their greatest importance, however,
but rather, in the hands (and minds) of teachers and students, scholars and lawyers and judges, and
citizens all across the fruited plain. They are regularly sighted, chapter and verse, and indeed have helped
construct the mold of the people's psyche, but what is perhaps even more critical, they contain the core of
the legal and governmental infrastructure (one not lightly impacted by a plethora of Supreme Court
decisions) upon which the Republic rests. A great debate has been waged, not unlike that involving
fundamentalist interpretations of other sacred scriptures which has shaped our course -- between strict and
broad construction, involving secession, and among judicial activism, original intent, natural law, and
more (to some extent already mentioned in this discourse, but to which conversation more will be
forthcoming). We have not just a 'Torah' and an immense 'Talmudic' literature, but rules of procedure and
other legal and court ritual which dwarf even it, and this dating back to the FEDERALIST PAPERS,
themselves a vital part of this scripture.

     Just such an American canon was sifted out by Daniel Marsh during World War II. More recently,
William Bennett has reached beyond that in an attempt to put together a BOOK OF VIRTUE seeking to
identify the core values which lie at the foundation of our society. For Marsh, the Genesis equivalent was
the Declaration, and the Constitution our Book of Law. He draws parallels between the Ten
Commandments of the Mosaic code and the amendments of the Bill of Rights. Washington's Farewell
Address is Prophecy, the Star Spangled Banner our Psalms, and for a Gospel he settled upon the second
Inaugural Address of Lincoln (who he identified as the 'savior' of the union). Woodrow Wilson's last
published article "The Road Away from Revolution" became his Epistle in his American political 'bible.'
Although one might quibble or take serious exception to his choices or at least some of them, (and
reservations might well be expressed for the later as 'the' choice from so many possibilities), while the
schema is perhaps too 'Christian,' the effort was an early one aiming at delineating our 'sacred scriptures'
of political bible.(19). One of the emphases of this undertaking is the degree to which core beliefs and
values are in great part in synch with such fundamentals of the organizational construct, such that they
have considerable impact on the American psyche and spirit, as considerable discussion has and will
attempt to demonstrate. Of great interest is the ancillary moral and oral dualism of that spirit found in a
variety of tales and parables  that animate our tradition about such things as Franklin's kite in a thunder
storm, the young Washington's cherry tree escapade, Lincoln's birthplace, and Valley Forge and Paul
Revere's ride. There are also an even larger amount of non-governmental heroes such as Thomas Edison,
Henry Ford, and the Wright brothers, as well as just as many fictitious ones -- Hiawatha, Paul Bunyan,
Johnny Appleseed, John Henry,  Casey Jones, and others. Somewhere in that mix would have to be placed
Daniel Boone, Davy Crockett, and Pecos Bill, Buffalo Bill, and Wild Bill, along with an elaborate and
extensive literature, inclusive of  Hemingway, Twain, and innumerable more. With the advent in this
century of other media, we must now add on the one hand, J.R. Ewing,  Lucy, and the Turtles and Power
Rangers, while perhaps on a more 'serious' side, the Lone Ranger and Superman to the  popular fiction
publication of Horatio Alger stories and Huck Finn (as well as Horatio Alger) of the last. There has been a
tremendous amount of history and 'morality' on the screen, as well, and little that has had an impact on
our people more than Alex Haley in his Malcolm X book and Roots story and television series.

     Central to the construction of the faith which Bellah gave such credence to was the examination of the
Presidential Inaugural Addresses. In his assessment, there have been a number of common threads which
run through them, and, in fact, a good deal of passing on of philosophical beliefs. With these should be
listed in particular State of the Union speeches which, while probably not widely read were broadly
disseminated throughout the country especially by television in the recent past. These have contained at
least covert ideological messages which have a real potency for setting the nation's and government's
agenda. It was, for instance, almost impossible for anyone not to be impacted by Lyndon Johnson's
echoing of the civil rights movement's theme "We Shall Overcome" in his address to Congress, or any of a
number of folksy slants delivered up by Ronald Reagan in his. 

     There has been wolven a rich tapestry of mythology and morality which has had a key role in forming
the American spirit. And one of the main timbers of that system has been a new gospel of wealth,
premised not on attainment of wealth for its own sake, but on the basis for a better life. The product of a
sort of allegorical quilting party, it constitutes some semblance of a belief system transferred into the
American psyche through a recitation of code via an inundation of stimuli and intermingling with our
daily life and thought experiences to shape our 'theological' network and ideological patterns.

     One not uncommon 'imitation' that has been popular for most of a century has been the appearance in
public events from parades to fairs (or military recruiting posters) of individuals dressed up to look like
the character out of Thomas Nast's political cartoons of Uncle Sam. That is only one of the simulations
which the American culture has experienced. Some of the other representative cases of this simulation
behavior which have gained a lot of clout in our society would have to be camping out, re-enactment of
Revolutionary and Civil War battles, scouting,  and various patterns of dress, the most prevalent of which
would include the typical business attire. Wallace also included behavioral units of mana and taboo, for
both of which there are abundant American setting representations. The special act of voting and the more
inclusive general performance of civic duty, like political campaigning and the seeking and holding of
public office all bear with them a transference of some special and almost magic aura arising from such
acts.  A version of the trait which Lipset described as 'other-directedness' may be contained therein, (20 )
by means of which display to others we convey  conspicuous consumption, but also a demonstration of
'success' as an American or at least a mutual recognition of some commonality of existence. Such
expression would seem to combine something from several of Wallace's minimal units of exhortation,
recitation of code, and simulation, as well as the 'touching things' conveyance of mana. At the same time,
the taboo category is manifest in the 'aura' (almost isolation) of the President, special privilege and
standing which accompanies membership in Congress, but also the obtaining of the mantle of a number of
other offices, obedience of civil order and the law, and ever popular sayings like 'Don't go there.' Also
encompassed in this 'not touching things' would be place the special treatment accorded the flag, but also
documents like the Constitution and objects such as Plymouth Rock. The Presidency carries with it a sort
of dualism in this regard. On the one hand, there is often a special transference that accompanies seeing
the President or shaking his hand, while at the same time he is held distant from the citizenry. While
there may be practical reasons for the latter, such developments as the blocking of Pennsylvania Avenue
for security reasons in May of 1995 only reinforce such sentiments (if they also isolate the person further
with the risk of a degree of alienation involved). In the 1988 Presidential campaign, we were taken a bit
aback a bit by Bentsen's rather callous and undignified retort to Dan Quayle that he was 'no John
Kennedy' (taboo) while in the 1992 contest, we were accosted by scenes of a teenaged Clinton shaking
Kennedy's hand (mana). Gary Hart attempted to simulate Kennedy speaking mannerisms in his bids, and
apparently both these latter two gathered some 'mana' of a type in the simulation of his propensity for
indiscretion, among other characteristics. George Bush may have in 1992 lost more than he gained by his
(probably very real) 'simulation' of Presidential demeanor, at least in the televised debates, while Clinton
may have done himself more harm than good in his almost disrespectful demeanor toward the President
(though there have been allegedly 'neutral' accounts of how 'Presidential' he carried himself in these
appearances) -- a sort of violation of taboo or carriage of mana.



     The Anatomy of Religion analytic method constructed by Wallace includes a classification of Feasts or
holidays for which our calendar has a full docket:


Table X -- II   American Civil Religion Holiday Calendar

		Civil Religion 'Holidays'			Secular/Traditional/Religious Celebrations

January		Presidential Inaugural (other such)		New Year's Eve and Day Festivities
		Martin Luther King's Birthday		Midnight Celebration, Parades,Bowl Games
							Super Bowl

February 	Presidents' Day/Washington and		Ground Hog Day
		Lincoln's Birthdays			Valentine's Day

March		St. Patrick's Day				Mardi Gras
							March Madness

April		Income Tax Due Date			Opening Day/Baseball Season
							Easter
May		Law Day					Mother's Day
		Memorial Day

June 		Flag Day				Father's Day
							Graduation

July		Fourth of July/Independence Day		All-Star Game
		(parades, picnics, fireworks)

August		Primary Election Day (some states incl Mi)	County Fairs (derived from Native Amer?)
							(and similar events like Firemens' 
							Homecoming Festival, Church ice cream
							socials, etc.)

September	Labor Day				'Back to School'

October		Columbus Day				World Series
							Halloween

November	Election Day				Deer Season
		Veterans' Day
		Thanksgiving

December	Christmas				Christmas



     These activities include 'eating and drinking' but extend far beyond that. Each of these receives a great
deal of attention and a certain amount of exception from regular activities. The Christmas holiday actually
transcends both groupings and carries with it a large measure of taboo which results in a virtual shut-
down of most aspects of regular behavior, and interspersed amid the others, any community may include a
variety of other festivities. Some of these, like Mardi Gras, will be more localized and carry with them a
degree of rather regional flavor such as Second of May events in Mexican communities or rodeos in
others. There is also some remnant at least of special aura attached to Sundays as the Lord's Day and even
of Saturday as a regularly recurring 'family day'   (there is of course some special significance to Saturday
as a Sabbath in some communities, as well).

     Much has been written about a 'work ethic' which typifies American life and culture, and whether it is
an outgrowth of Puritan/Protestant mores or not, it might be argued to be a fitting representation of the
category of  'sacrifice' in Wallace. It even, as indicated, has its own 'holiday' to commemorate it. There
might be an argument that certain aspects of at least Bellah's covenant carry with them a certain rejection
of the work ethic in its pursuit of governmental tutelage which militates certain segments of society
toward dependency. The category is more broadly defined by Wallace to include such actions as
immolation, offerings, and fees and could therefore logically include the payment of taxes, volunteer
work, contributions and donations, service in such as the Peace Corps or military, with the inevitable
extension of that to the possibility of an ultimate sacrifice of loss of life for one's country, and the exertion
of political campaigns, as well as the taking of public office.

     Sundry processions, meetings, convocations, and inspirational gatherings are yet another
'congregation' unit in the scheme. Here, too, some characteristics of political campaigning seem to fit in.
There are rallies and conventions often bordering on 'revival' like behavior. Inaugural festivities for the
Presidency and other offices from Governor to Mayor are also of this species of event. Community events
of a hundred variations and the weekly (or sometimes even more frequent) church worship services
certainly qualify. Some lesser examples might be Homecoming parades at high schools and colleges, as
well as Presidential (and other) formal appearances. Perhaps graduation ceremonies should be
appropriately included, too. There are also exemplars of this which are rather spontaneous or temporary.
In Monroe, Michigan some years ago, a crowd gathered to look on in awe (not a frightened soul in the
crowd -- probably why it received no press coverage as a protest) to witness -- and celebrate a special
kinship with technology -- the unloading from a freighter of the core of the Fermi nuclear power plant.
And not a shuttle is launched or lands but that throngs do not gather to watch. Few buildings are
constructed, particularly in cities, without special provision allowing for observation, and, at any given
moment at any major airport, one is liable to find dozens of citizens gathered to watch the big jets landing
and taking off. 'Temporary' events would involve such things as strike support rallies. The civil rights
movement was actually a sort of 'sect' (in Wallace's terminology and not to be confused with less salutary
usages of the term) of the American civil religion in its encompassing of many of these minimal units of
religious behavior. To a somewhat lesser extent, but in relatively recent years, the 'peace' movement
involved manifestations of such congregation, but so, too, would be the daily excursions to the Vietnam
War Memorial Wall in Washington. And, although it is almost always a typically American individual or
family excursion or procession, the regular 'pilgrimages' taken to the nation's capital combine elements of
'mana; with this congregational behavior. It may be less so today, but at the time of my graduation from
high school in 1964, the senior trip to Washington was a widespread practice.

     Symbolic manufacture and use of symbolic objects is the final one of the dozen units of behavior
described by Wallace. As perhaps no other category the American specimen of religion is brimming over
with these. The flag has already been mentioned in other contexts, but it is an ever-present symbol
exhibited in proclamation of our faith. Even its destruction in protest has been ritualized, if such events
are unseemly to be sure. It is probably regrettable if any classroom is without one on display, but in
addition to its 'ordinary' display, it is found on stick-pins, lapel pins, shoulder and cap  patches, bumper
and window stickers and decals, postage, ball caps, and untold other places (including this year on
bikinis). There is also scarcely a school house or courthouse in the country which does not display the
images of Washington and Lincoln, at least. Patriotic pictures abound, copies and facsimiles of the sacred
literature seem almost omnipresent. Our currency and coin are wrapped in symbol -- in part to enhance its
acceptance (if and when the paper dollar is replaced by a coin as is currently under consideration, it will
undoubtedly have Washington and the great seal emblazoned on it for just that reason). The nation is
replete with sacred places and temples from thousands of event commemorative historical markers to the 
Capitol building and White House, Lincoln and Washington memorials, state capitols, Arlington, the
Tombs of the Unknown Soldiers, and military and battlefield sites like Gettysburg, the Statue of Liberty,
Liberty Bell, Mount Rushmore, national parks, the prescribed 'man on horseback' in every town,
Greenfield Village and Williamsburg, and more. 

     Whether or not we have elevated our  Presidents, some of them to the level of 'deities,' along with
scores of important contributors to American development, such figures command reverence. Wallace's
method actually poses an hierarchy of supernatural beings within the pantheon. Given the monotheistic
bend that seems to exude our ideology, it would probably be best to view this 'pantheon' as a collection of 
'saints,' a panoply which includes the liberty and blind justice figures. Such a community of saints is one
of the vital links in motivating people toward values for their daily lives.

     For some, there are also a variety of ritual acts which function as 'rites of passage.' We could identify in
this manner the obtaining of a driver's license, graduation, the  purchase of a first new home or car, and
the civil sanction of marriage as a contract among three parties, husband, wife and the state. so that what
we have established is clearly the physical form, at least, of a religion attached securely to our civil
society. It is a faith that is 'Christian,' yes, to be sure, but it is possessed by a nondenominational if not
ecumenical spirit that transcends that. And there are characteristics of a definitive missionary fervor, the
objective of which is its spread to other lands.



     It is not only that aspects of these elemental units overlap one another, for they are always
meaningfully used in conjunction with one another in society "in more complex, stereotyped sequences
which we call rituals."(21) A good number of such in this specimen are identified by their mention in a
number of categories, but these specific sequences are themselves organized together in rationalization of
beliefs with support of social groups. Such acts of rituals are termed by Wallace 'cult institutions," and
while, as with the Iroquois in his book, the entire League of the Iroquois was one such cult institution
among several, a conglomerate grouping of these cults forms the religion of a society. (22)

     Wallace issues caveats in the use of that term, however:
	" ... the term 'the religion' of a society must be used with caution. It is essentially
	a summative notion and cannot be taken uncritically to imply that one single,
	unifying, internally coherent, carefully programmed set of rituals and beliefs 
	characterizes the religious behavior of the society ... [It] is really likely to be a 
	loosely related group of cult institutions and other, even less well-organized
	special practices and beliefs, [and] it is sometimes useful to use the term as a
	collective noun."(23)


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