The majority of the so-called Albanian elite who have historically been portrayed as the force behind Albanian national consciousness were Muslims who studied under an informative mix of ‘traditional’ curricula and were tutored, in their native districts, by hoxhas and then later past on to medreses.

 

Isa Blumi

            The Role of Education in the Albanian Identity and its Myths

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 53

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Isa Blumi, an insider from Albania, confirms the observation that the Albanian nationalist elites have primarily been Muslims or ‘ex-Muslims. This section deals with analyzing the implications of what seems to be a Muslim group-strategy dominating Albanian ethnic consciousness ever since the 1870s. We will look at how the Muslim elites tried to reconcile otherwise logically irreconcilable contradictions in their cross-religious “Albanianist’ ideology, that officially exalted equality of all regardless of religious ancestry - and yet reserved the echelons of political power mostly to ancestral Muslims and occasionally a co-opted Christian.

 

…there was an attempt in some circles to exalt the Albanians’ Muslim identity on the grounds that those Albanians who became Muslim were the only true Albanians – arguing that the Islamic religion was the strongest factor in the survival of the AlbaniansSome even put forth the theory that Skenderbeg should not be the national hero because he betrayed the Turks by serving the Christians.

 

Fatos Lubonja

Between the Glory of a Virtual World & the Misery of a Real World

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 102

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According to Lubonja, the Islamic religion was the strongest factor in the survival of the Albanians. This seems logical because 70% of Albanians are Muslim. It is even possible that Muslims became proportionally greater than the Christians through out breeding the Christians by having more children per generation. Unlike most Christian families, in the last three centuries, Muslim families typically number five children or more. Islam ensured a higher birthrate in Albania for centuries than Christianity ever could have and probably was as important as Lubonja says it was to Albanian survival.

 

If not in survival, then at least in a major northward population expansion of Muslim Albanians into Kosovo and western Macedonia. This is why the Albanian population in these regions is 99% Muslim and why most toponyms in there, including the name of Kosovo itself – originate from southern Serbian dialects. They descend from Ottoman Era Muslim convert colonists. Along with the Ottoman Era ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Kosovo by Albanian Muslim colonists, the higher Muslim birthrate reduced the proportion of Serb Christians in Kosovo & western Macedonia, just as it reduced proportion of Albanian Christians south of Kosovo. In fact, all Christians, regardless of ethnicity, were persecuted by the Albanian ancestral Muslim nationalist elites.

 

Most Albanians who were educated by Enver Hoxha’s propaganda machine are ignorant of these religious divisions, their implications and the attempts made by earlier nationalists to conceal the inconsistencies in the formation of the national ideology. Contemporary Albanians are the product of two generations worth of brainwashing in a North Korea-type Communist dictatorship. Discussing these subjects id also taboo in Albanian society. Next we turn to Ger Dujzings for more information…

 

This obsession with religious discord shows that confessional differences certainly mattered in Albania: for several centuries, under the Ottomans, religion had been the primary source of identification, and although nationalist rhetoric declared it to be unimportant (and religious fanaticism to be alien to the Albanian soul), reality on the ground was sometimes quite different. …there are many instances of religious inspired animosities, which present-day Albanian historiography tends to ignore. Examples are Sunni hostility towards Bektashis in southern Albania, and the conflicts between Catholics and Muslims in the north, as in the towns of Gjakove [sic] and Shkodra.

 

Ger Dujzings

Religion and the Politics of ‘Albanianism’

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 62

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Dujzings’ observations are pretty straight foreword. The ex-Muslim nationalist elites are exposed as liars, deliberately ignoring the historical record to create the illusion of peaceful and equal co-existence when, instead, the Albanian Muslim converts were living a life of privilege within the Ottoman hierarchy while Albanian, Greek and Serb Christians were kept under heavy taxation.

 

Before the religion of the Albanians was declared to be ‘Albanianism,’ the Muslim nationalist elites were trying to create a different kind of Albanian national identity based on the Shia Muslim Bektashi sect. Natalie Clayer discusses it in detail in the book. It is a hilarious description of the very first attempt by the Muslim elites to manufacture a cohesive Albanian identity based on a loose combination of a peripheral Muslim cult with Christian trappings. It was abandoned – because it was an idiotic idea in the first place. Here we will quote Clayer’s thesis:

 

Where religion among the Albanians is concerned, we are confronted with many myths: superficiality of religion, exceptional religious tolerance, conversion to Islam to preserve Albanian ethnic and national identity vis a vis the pressure exerted by the Serbs and Greeks

 

Natalie Clayer

The Construction of an Albanian Bektashi National History

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 127

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Superficiality of religion, exceptional religious tolerance, conversion to Islam to preserve Albanian ethnic and national identity are all myths imposed by the ancestral Muslim nationalist elites to bridge the gap between them and the Christians, while Muslims actually retain all the political power and the cultural and political destiny of the entire country. Contemporary Albanian nationalism and its forerunner, Albanian nationalism since the 1870s – have both always strived to preserve the old Ottoman balance of power with ancestral Muslims holding the reigns and making the decisions w and Christians mostly just following along.

 

The Albanian nationalist elites are always, almost as a rule, Muslim or ‘ex-Muslim.’ The Prizrenites were all Muslims and so were the Enverist ruling circles (Enver Hoxha, Mehmet Shehu, Qemal Stafa, Ramiz Alija, Ismail Kadare); so are the KLA. It wouldn’t be so bad if the ex-Muslim elites weren’t actually doing more good than harm. These nationalist elites have actually caused Albanians a lot of suffering. Zogu took up the spirit of the League of Prizren and he robbed the country; the Enverists did their damage through cultural isolation while the KLA have turned ‘free’ Kosovo into a cesspool of AIDS and prostitution.

 

We turn to Noel Malcolm for a more detailed picture of how the ancestral Muslim elites struggled to shape public opinion in their image through propaganda…

 

 [Albanians] “have been the only Balkan people really attached to the Ottoman Empire, always happy to support it, always happy to strengthen it and to profit by its strength”[38].

 

A similar picture can be derived from the writings of Eqrem bey Vlora, or indeed from the comments of Isa Boletini reported by Audrey Herbert.

 

Writers such as Konica, Noli, Cekrezi and Dako were responding, not just to immediate political requirements, but to the dictates of the whole mythical pattern of thinking itself.

 

”I wish I could break every connection between Albania and Turkey…” [40] 

 

One could hardly wish for a more explicit statement about the mythic approach to time: half a millennium of human history can simply be erased, and what remains on either side of it can be ‘connected’ as if nothing at all happened in between.

 

[38] Ismail Qemal Vlora, ‘Albania and the Albanians’ (The Quarterly Review, 1917) Vol. 2, #5

[40] Faik Konica, “Albania: the rock garden”

 

Noel Malcolm

Myth of Albanian National Identity: Some Key Elements

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 83 x

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Here Malcolm takes a more critical than usual position toward Albanians, calling the Albanian approach to time mythic & quoting Albanian historical figures like Noli, Cekrezi, Dako, Vlora and Konica to supprt his statement. The desire of the ancestral Muslim elites is to erase the past oppression of the Christian population existed in order to ensure that the same ancestral Muslim elite maintained power and leadership of all Albanians.

 

The ancestral Muslim elites are always downplaying the dominant status they enjoyed over Albanian and other Christians in the Ottoman hierarchy. Indeed, in pursuit of the fantasy of Albanian homogeny they downplay the fact that because ancestral Muslims dominate the elites – the country has retained much Turko-Oriental culture that keeps Albania undeveloped in some spheres like blood feuds, low status of women, Oriental cultural attitudes and practices…

 

Misha elaborates:

 

After almost 500 years of Ottoman rule and 300 years with a Muslim majority population Albania was more influenced by Turko-Oriental culture than perhaps any other country in the region. Bernard Fischer writes ‘Although official ties with the Ottomans were severed in 1912, a strong, rather negative Ottoman legacy remained. A unique Weltanschung [World-view] was created, and it included a strong distrust of the government and the city.

 

Albania remained a divided country…in which few people identified themselves primarily as Albanian nationals.

 

Pirro Misha

Invention of Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 46

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Where shall we start? 

 

Few people actually identified themselves primarily as Albanian nationals in 1912.

 

‘Albanianism’ wasn’t the religion of the Albanians until just 60 years ago after Enver took over the propaganda machine and imposed Vaso Pasha’s famous lie.

 

Misha also goes on to describe how the ex-Muslim Enverist elite misled the two generations of Albanians into believing that Albanians were religiously indifferent throughout the Ottoman era.

 

Malcolm has more to say about the Muslim Albanians’ complicity in the Ottoman hierarchy and how they benefited for 350 years from the oppression of their Christian neighbors as he compares how the Albanian mythmakers would deal with a given subject versus modern scholars:

 

Modern scholars would also think it necessary to refer to the many examples of co-operation (sometimes to mutual advantage) between inhabitants of Albanian lands and their foreign rulers – above all, in the case of the Ottomans, with their innumerable officials and official of Albanian origin (including more than 40 grand vezirs).

 

Noel Malcolm

Myth of Albanian National Identity: Some Key Elements

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 83

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It is this kind of power and privilege that the Albanian Muslim were in danger of losing with the weakening of the Ottoman Empire after 1870. The Albanian Muslims easily monopolized Albanian nationalism because they were 70% of the population. This is why they have wanted Kosovo to be part of Albania.

 

 

The Status of Albanian Christians in a ‘Greater Albania’

 

Greater Albania would result in the eventual submergence of the Albanian Christian population statistically. Kosovo Albanians are 99% Muslim. Incorporation of 2 000 000 Muslim Albanians into Albania would reduce the Christian population from 30% to less than 10%. Muslims will make up 90% of the country. With that kind of Islamic homogeneity, Albania could easily at some point in the future become more ideologically oriented to Islam if their common interests should collide again. “Modern scholars would also think it necessary to refer to the many examples of co-operation (sometimes to mutual advantage) between inhabitants of Albanian lands and their foreign rulers.” If western Macedonia becomes annexed to Albania, there will be a Christian population of 5% in Albania. The religion of the Albanians wouldn’t have to be ‘Albanianism’ any more in a 95% Muslim Greater Albania. Christians would become redundant.

 

Most of the scholars within Albania who sympathize with the scholars being quoted here from Albanian Identities: Myth and History are Christians. Even Kaplan Resulli, Ardian Qosi, Pirro Misha and Fatos Lubonja are all Christians. Ardian Vehbiu and Isa Blumi are Muslims who are very critical of the present Muslim, Turko-Oriental cultural legacy in Albania. All Albanian Christians should ask themselves if they are happy with the way the ancestral Muslim elites have been running the country and ruling the minds of the people the last decades of the Ottoman Era and if they are o.k. with being submerged into statistical insignificance.  

 

Unfortunately, due to Enver Hoxha’s persecution of Catholics after WWII, the role of Austrian and Italian schools in the preparation of Italian intelligentsia has yet to be fully explored.

 

Isa Blumi

            The Role of Education in the Albanian Identity and its Myths

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 55-56

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As a group-strategy, the important thing for these nationalist elites is that they are composed of ancestral Muslims and always a few co-opted Christians. This was the case even in Hoxha’s time when the official ideology was atheist (e.g. Enver Hoxha, Mehmet Shehu, Qemal Stafa, Ramiz Alija, Ismail Kadare). Ancestral Muslims always composed the core of the Albanian nationalist elites even when the official ideology was supposed to be atheist.  

 

Above, Blumi discussed how ancestral Muslim elites persecuted the Albanian Christian population for reasons that obviously didn’t apply to the Albanian Muslim population even under an officially ‘atheist’ regime that is supposed to promote ‘Albanianism’ as a ‘religion’. That kind of thing will be difficult will become more frequent when Albanian Christians become 5% of the population of a ‘Greater Albania’. This article below is only a forewarning of things to come when Christians become statistically insignificant:

 

…the old myths of national romanticism like that of Skenderbeg and ‘the religion of the Albanians is Albanianism’ remain the dominant mythologies in Albanian cultural and political life today.

           

Fatos Lubonja

Between the Glory of a Virtual World & the Misery of a Real World

 

Quoted from:

Albanian Identities: Myth and History

Edited by: Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers & Bernd J. Fischer

Page: 102

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The question is: will every segment of the Albanian population continue believe these myths?  Is it really to the advantage of every segment of the Albanian population to continue to believe these myths and to perpetuate the Greater Albanian myth? That depends on men like Albanians such as Lubonja, Misha, Blumi, Qosi, Vebiu, Resulli et al. and on how strongly the ancestral Muslim elites have managed to engrain their myths into the ethno-psyche of Albanian Christians.

 

In a ‘Greater Albania’ with a 5% Christian population, ‘Albanianism’ need no longer be the religion of all Albanians. It will them be Islam. When one considers that the Muslim elites always conveniently shift alliances in the interests of practicality, co-operation with Al Qaeda in particular and the Islamic World in general seems practical in a virtually homogenous 95% Muslim ‘Greater Albania’.  Albanian Christians will then be seen as a hindrance, just as they are seen in all Muslim societies with a statistically insignificant Christian population and subjected to whatever 2nd class treatment is customary in such unfortunate countries. Being reduced to statistical insignificance inside a ‘Greater Albania’ is absolutely NOT in the interest of Albanian Christians.

 

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