The Anti-Semitic Roots of Eastern European Nationalism
By Margaret Quigley
Press coverage of the dramatic changes in Eastern Europe in late 1989
andearly 1990 has failed to provide adequate context concerning
theanti-Semitic and fascist currents in Eastern European nationalism.
As the New York Times has noted (10/8/89), the term "nationalist" has
a"more extremist connotation here [in Eastern Europe] than in the West."
Butmost reporting on Eastern Europe's nationalist movements, including that
ofthe Times, has been rife with euphemistic references to "Christian
values"and "Christian nationalism" without an explanation of the
historicanti-Semitism that echoes in such rhetoric.
News coverage of Eastern Europe has generally overlooked the
region'shistorical alliance with Nazism. Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria all
joined the Axis powers; Nazi puppet states such as Slovakia and Croatia
were also allied with Germany. But in much newspaper coverage, Eastern
Europeanhistory does not include World War II. For example, one timeline
ofCzechoslovakian history leapt from March 15, 1939 to May 16, 1945
(New YorkTimes, 11/22/89); another chart began in 1946 (L.A. Times,
11/25/89). A NewYork Times article (3/26/90) describing the history of the
Catholic Churchin Eastern Europe jumped directly from the 1930s to the
post-World War IIera, skipping over the murderously anti-Semitic clerical
fascist movements,which were often led by Catholic priests.
The New York Times reported (3/26/90) that a new Ukrainian student
grouprevered Stepan Bandera -- described by the Times as "a
militantnationalist" who fought "Polish and Soviet rulers in the 1930s and
1940s."The article failed to mention that Bandera fought as an ally of
Hitler'sGermany, leading the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera,
which roamed the Ukraine during World War II killing Jews and others.
Media coverage of anti- Semitism in Hungary, which has the only significant
Jewish population remaining in Eastern Europe outside the Soviet Union,
provides an interesting case study. The now-ruling Hungarian
DemocraticForum (MDF) was routinely described as a conservative,
center-right or evencentrist party. The Los Angeles Times (4/11/90) even
referred to MDF 's" politics of national pride." Articles that described the
party's appeal to"Christian nationalism," "Christian democracy" and "Christian
values" oftenfailed to report the recurring charges of anti-Semitism.
The Washington Post, which in general provides scant coverage of
EasternEurope, did not mention the anti-Semitism allegations against MDF
untillate January, although the reports had first surfaced in the mainstreampress
in November. The Post (3/21/90) later described Istvan Csurka, an MDF
party founder, as an "outspoken nationalist writer," ignoring thecontroversy
over his anti-Semitic claims that a "dwarf minority" was dominating Hungary .
Several investigative articles went further in scrutinizing the involvementof the
U.S. and Canadian right with Eastern European nationalists. In theToronto
Star (4/14/90), Howard Goldenthal and Russ Bellant reported thatDusan
Toth, an advisor to Czechoslovakian President Vaclav Havel , was
theSecretary-General of the Toronto-based Slovak World Congress; a
number ofofficers of the Congress are former officials of the Nazi-allied
Slovakregime. An April 2, 1990 Nation article by Holly Sklar and Chip
Berlet (of Political Research Associates) exposed the role of convicted
Nazicollaborator Laslo Pasztor in recommending Hungarian nationalist groups
forfunding from the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy .
There seems to be an unwillingness at some media to synthesize even
theinformation that appears in the major papers. The Washington
Post(2/18/90), for example, described three Russian newsletters as
beingconnected to Pamyat , the anti-Semitic, pro-Stalin nationalist
organization.But when individuals connected with these same three
publications toured the U.S. under Washington's sponsorship, the visitors
were blandlydescribed by the New York Times (4/18/90) as "rightists."
Perhaps the most disturbing facet of media coverage is the recurrent
explanations of the origins of anti-Jewish feeling that use rhetoric that seems to
reflect rather than report anti-Semitism. For example, a New YorkTimes
article reasoned (4/10/90), "Since many prominent Hungarian
Communistleaders were Jewish, particularly in the early years after the
war,anti-Semitism has become linked with anti-Communism."
The equation of Jews with Bolsheviks and traitors has been and is
theanti-Semite's stock in trade. Journalists should avoid the appearance
ofaccepting these rationales.
