A REVOLUTIONARY CLASS PERSPECTIVE
In Refutation of Black Capitalism:
Since the advent of the government sponsored Economic opportunity Commission, and the various poverty programs instituted as a result of the Black insurrections during the 1960s, the quest for Black capitalism as an integral part of the freedom struggle surged as the political, socioeconomic alternative to white capitalism and exploitation - and established an unique obstacle before the New Afrikan revolution. By 1970, the U.S. government managed to consolidate a national bourgeoisie neo-colonial class comprising Black businessmen, civil rights leaders and elected officials. In the process of this development, evolved a Black middle class whose political alliance remained with the oppressed Black masses, and recognized a political responsibility that in essence contradicts the economic realities of Black capitalism, they now find themselves at lost to the real ideals, program, and objectives of the Black struggle. While the national bourgeoisie aspires integration and assimilation into the mainstream 'of monopoly-capitalism, the Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie are split in their sociopolitical aspirations; although economically, the Black middle class can't afford to negate their tie to the system of national oppression without forfeiting material advantage and livelihood. But as the crisis of monopoly-capitalism worsens (inflation/recession), the existence of the Black middle class is
threatened, as the national bourgeoisie intensifies their integrationist program on the deaf ear of the U.S. conservatism. The overall roll-back of affirmative action and economic programs that served the needs of the Black masses during the late 60s and throughout the 70s, provides the basis in which the New Afrikan (Black) revolution will be mounted; the socioeconomic contradiction between the owners of the means of production (ruling class imperialist) and the laborers (managers and manual labor) becoming antagonistic - the principle ideal of Black capitalism in juxtaposition in capitalist-imperialism is refuted.
From a New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist analysis of the developing struggle, dialectical historical materialism must be the basis in which such an analysis serves to manifest an ideology, theory and political program that will strengthen the socioeconomic and political determination of the New Afrikan Independence Movement. In this way, the New Afrikan revolution will not become short-sighted and bend to reformist concessions the national bourgeoisie neo-colonialist - in behalf of their class interest and the interest of colonialism - may throw in the path of the revolution via the Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie and working class. Hence, this New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist analysis must be a class analysis of national significance. It then becomes first to identify the classes of neo-colonial oppression; the national Black bourgeoisie, neo-colonialists are identified as those business people/ corporations such as Johnson Publication and Products, Motown music/movie industry, etc. whose economic policy
in class collaboration and collusion with monopoly-capitalism serves as. financiers to political entities/ individuals who espouse the neo-colonialist dictates of integration and assimilation; those sociopolitical personages of the national bourgeoisie are identified as the Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Joseph Lowery, Rev. Benjamin Hooks, Rev. Leon Sullivan, Ron Brown, Reginald Lewis, Percy Sutton, Coretta S. King, Dorothy Haight, Eleanor Holmes Norton, and other such national neo-colonist representatives.
These individuals and organizations maintain direct ties to the colonial (U.S.A.) government in their relationship to the oppressed neo-colony, and espouse the sociopolitical illusion of integration-assimilation and non-violent struggle for Black survival in racist-imperialist America. They are the bulwark of neo-colonialist leaders who serve the colonial government by institutionalizing the concept of gradualism, reformism, and Black capitalism as the socioeconomic policy for political struggle by the oppressed New Afrikan masses. Their entire program is based on acculturation, assimilation , and integration on a monopolycapitalist platform. Such a program, has influenced the
established Black middle class-petty bourgeoisie skilled laborers in their efforts to gain material wealth and status in the colonial system of oppression. In many cases, the petty bourgeoisie comes face to face with racist institutions and standards (ie., housing, employment, promotions, etc.) that cause them to reconsider sociopolitically the aspects in which acculturation, integration and assimilation are realistic. But because of their socioeconomic
ties to the system of oppression, they aren't totally able or willing to sever their relationship and join the oppressed New Afrikan masses in the national independence movement. Hence, the Black (upper) middle class attempts to employ a cultural identity to the development of Black capitalism, which is progressive in form and reactionary in content. This bourgeois cultural nationalism has evoked socioeconomically an exploitative relationship to the oppressed neo-colony by developing Black business, employment, etc., in the Black community but taking the profit out of the community -- while politically they espouse Black community self-control in which Black capitalists and politicians will overwhelmingly benefit. Their most recent scheme to enhance this development is the building of a National Black Independent Political Party.
The question of a National Black Independent Political Party as elucidated by the Black bourgeoisie cultural nationalist (upper and middle class) would consolidate in a program for independent Black capitalism and conformity to white capitalism/imperialism, thus a neo-colonial relationship to colonial (U.S.A.) rulers. The political determination of the National Black Independent Political Party as developed by the National Black Political Assembly, would seek to compete with the Democratic and Republican Party(s), running Black politicians for various local (mayoral, governor), regional (congress, senate), and national (president) offices and fight for federal funds, laws and policy in response to the needs of the New Afrikan neo-colony, and/or against U.S. foreign policy
to Afrika. Whereupon, the need for such a National Black Independent Political Party is real, the Political goal and direction of this party can not be based on the development of Black capitalism nor hold to a concept of co-existence to imperialism. The Black middle class petty bourgeoisie cultural nationalist, economic and political aspiration as currently forged is progressive in form by collecting and consolidating our talented, educated and skilled Black people in a national formation to supposedly represent the interests of the oppressed New Afrikan masses; and reactionary in content by developing Black capitalism intricately tied to U.S. monopoly-capitalism. it is illusionary, as it would not evolve independent of U.S. monopoly-capitalism, since Black capitalism would rely on capitalist imperialism for its own growth and development, strengthening a neo-colonial relationship to the oppressed New Afrikan masses of whom are a colonized nation. Hence, Black capitalism perpetuates class exploitation of New Afrikans, and neo-colonial subjugation to U.S. imperialism.
It can thereby be determined, the Black middle class petty bourgeoisie cultural nationalist can be allied to the New Afrikan working class upon realizing Black capitalism is a tool of the colonial ruling class oppressors, utilized by their neo-colonialist agents - the national Black bourgeoisie. Furthermore, where Black capitalism is tied to monopoly-capitalism and imperialism, its existence and development is based on the existence and development of imperialism, and imperialism is based on colonial domination of
oppressed people-nations. Thus, socioeconomic and politically
Black capitalism is a neo-colonialist institution demanding continued Black
exploitation and colonial oppression domestically and U.S. imperialist
expansion in the Third World.
THREE PHASE THEORY FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE:
With a full understanding of our history in relationship to the colonial (U.S.A.) government and its economic system of monopoly-capitalism and imperialism, we are then able to develop a practical theory to formulate a decisive working strategy by which to educate, organize and mobilize our oppressed New Afrikan Nation for complete sovereignty and independence. It is important that recognition is given to our task for a social, political, economic and cultural perspective. That we totally commit ourselves to an arduous struggle for national emancipation and liberation, allowing absolutely nothing from preventing our success and freedom from racist colonial and neo-colonial subjugation.
Our Three Phase Theory for National Independence is based on the historical manifestation of our national oppression in racist capitalist America. This theory negates nothing from our history although it establishes its pragmatic foundation on prevailing conditions, and moves from these conditions, building conceptual understanding of how our practice must conform to given realities,
if we are to be free. The Three Phase Theory for National
Independence is based on the principles of dialectical materialism, determining the need of both class and national struggle.
1) We recognize we are a subjugated and oppressed colonized nation in the imperialist government of the United States of America;
2) That racist national oppression and monopoly-capitalism are the two all pervasive means in which U.S. imperialism maintains a colonial strangle-hold on the New Afrikan Nation, with miscegenation, acculturation, assimilation, individualism, sexism and competition being the character of control and our superexploitation;
3) Our colonial condition is re-enforced by the institutionalization of class-divisions and neo-colonial control by members of the New Afrikan Nation;
4) That the New Afrikan Nation is entitled to restitutionreparation from the U.S. government for four (4) centuries of colonial domination, including, monetary compensation, land, machinery (industrial and technological), and military equipment to establish our sovereignty and security to defend against future aggression;
5) As an oppressed nation of colonized people, we are th third largest nation of Afrikan people in the western hemisphere. We have a population of 30+ million with a purchasing power of $250 to $350 billion dollars and must be afforded international recognition and status in both United Nations and Organization of Afrikan Unity.
FIRST PHASE - Class Struggle for National Unity:
It is first important to identify the various classes in which
national unity is to be brought. We recognize the fact that the
New Afrikan people are a colonized nation in the United States. We
also recognize that New Afrikans' colonization is one of the race
and class oppression. The division of oppression between Euro
Americans and New Afrikans is buffeted by a system of neo
colonization established and maintained by members of the New
Afrikan Nation who are in essence neo-colonialist agents of the
oppressor nation government.
These neo-colonialist are the National Bourgeoisie of the oppressed New Afrikan Nation. The national bourgeoisie are Black politicians and business people (capitalist) who are integrationist and assimilationist, they aspire (by policy making in organizations) to have the oppressed New Afrikan people to integrate and assimilate into the government of oppression. This ideal, as it has been historically manifested, is in essence an illusion in which it is the national bourgeoisie who benefits, with token concessions from the colonial government, rewarded for their efforts to maintain order and control of the New Afrikan people. The national bourgeoisie are identified as leaders of the NAACP, PUSH, National Urban League, Congressional Black Caucus, Johnson Products, Motown, etc. All of them work in the interests of the colonial government and in the own interests, aspiring integration and assimilation into this system of capitalist imperialism; and by seeking to stifle the militant struggle of the oppressed New Afrikan people for independence.
The political wing of the national bourgeoisie is financed by Black capitalist and liberal white institutions (ie., foundations) and corporate groups. Essentially they epitomize by the structure of -the colonial government to represent the interests of New Afrikan people. They attempt to persuade New Afrikans what is in their interest to struggle for or against in relation to the policies of the colonial government. Their policy and interests are that of neo-colonial capitalist and integrationist in relation
to the oppressed New Afrikan Nation.
Under the national bourgeoisie are the petty bourgeoisie (cultural nationalist) middle class. These are the skilled Black professionals and marginal/small business people which can be divided into two segments in a sociopsychological conception, but are equally Black capitalist. on the one hand there are the assimilationist and integrationist who are in every way like the national bourgeoisie, and on the other hand are the cultural nationalist. The middle class cultural nationalist attempts to maintain a Black social consciousness in terms of identifying with the New Afrikan oppressed masses, but because they are in essence capitalist, their aspirations as pseudo-nationalist is forsaken. They are economically and materially tied to the system of oppression and these ties are manifested politically as they tend to support and enhance the prospects of neo-colonialism, ensuring Blacks are the representatives of Blacks, who are the representatives of the colonial (U.S.A.) government. As an example, they seek to establish an independent Black political party to compete with other capitalist (ruling class) political institutions. They work to broaden and secure their class and national interest, working within the legitimate confines and avenues the colonial government allows for a given class or national to address their problems and seek redress to disenfranchisement and aspects of colonial subjugation. I Hence, they are in actuality social and political reformist, utilizing the oppression of the New Arrikan masses as stepping-stones to assure their own security and survival as capitalists. They also support upward mobility of other aspiring Black capitalists from the lower classes, building and strengthening their class status in
competition with white middle and upper class capitalists. They are the bulwark supporters of the national bourgeoisie, even though as social reformers, potentially, they are capable of developing national Black social consciousness to motivate and influence the New Afrikan peoples' struggle for the end of colonial oppression, if they were to confront the colonial government for national emancipation and independence.
The majority of New Afrikans are of the lower class - workers and laborers - the proletariat class. They are the semi-skilled and manual laborers, the office and factory workers, etc., whose standard of living is just above or at poverty level, many of whom subsist on a combination of work, welfare (medical aid, social security or veterans benefits, etc.) and hustling. The Black proletariat suffers the brunt of the socioeconomic oppression of capitalist exploitation and are most politically disenfranchised by the system of colonial domination. In juxtaposition to neocolonial class divisions within the New Afrikan Nation, the capitalist system employs racist national oppression as the primary mechanism to keep the aspirations of the Black proletariat in check. This racist national oppression is found in every vestige of the Black proletariat existence, in housing, employment, health, and social institutions. The colonial government maintains the policies and regulates when and how such living means are to be
dispensed in the New Afrikan community and/or to the benefit of the Black proletariat. Racist national oppression and class divisions, serves to trap the Black proletariat in a socioeconomic condition and-level of subsistence where poverty is always close at hand. But, sociopolitically, the Black proletariat aspires an end to colonial domination and racist oppression, and not for such conditions to be covered up in Black face. They are not in essence capitalist, but rather, recognize they live in a capitalist society, and thereby must live in accordance to the norms by which a livelihood can be maintained. When such conditions of oppression become unbearable, the Black proletariat and youth are more likely to rebel (riots, strikes, boycotts, etc.) and demonstrate their frustration and anger to continued exploitation and racism.
Beneath the Black working class are the subculture, lumpen-proletariat, the unskilled and menial laborers whose primary means of subsistence is based on hustling (selling drugs, thievery, prostitution, etc.), marginal employment and welfare. For the most part, the socioeconomic provisions within the subculture are maintained by the "illegitimate capitalist" activity of the lumpen-proletariat. In accordance to their aspirations to fulfill the social values of the bourgeoisie, they employ business acumen in criminal activity for subsistence and profit. As they seek material wealth and social status of the bourgeoisie within the confines of the subculture, they are in many cases politically reactionary, unconcerned with nothing other than personal survival and individual gain. It is only when the lumpen-proletariat are
educated and become politically aware of their socioeconomic condition, does the possibility exist for them to become staunch supporters of the revolution, recognizing their dire standard of living is based wholly on the system of oppression they are desperately trying to emulate.
This brief description of the class break-down of the oppressed New Afrikan Nation provides some indication as to why it is so difficult for the oppressed Black masses to challenge the government of oppression in unity and struggle. This also determines why the first phase of Frolinan theoretical position is one in which struggle must commence within the class divisions of the neo-colony, before New Afrikans can adequately challenge the colonial government with a degree of strength and fortitude, and cause the enemy government to bend to the will of the New Afrikan Nation for complete independence and sovereignty.
By comprehending the class divisions within the neo-colony, we find the particularity of the principle contradiction that exists between the neo-colony and the colonial government with its national and international ramifications. Essentially, the particularity of the contradiction is one between the direction. of the liberation movement; is it for integration or separation from this capitalist-imperialist system of oppression? It is this contradiction within the movement that determines the necessity for class struggle within the New Afrikan Nation; such a struggle to evolve national unity towards a single and principle revolutionary program and strategy to confront the colonial government. The
contradiction as it presently exists, between the forces of integration and the f orces for separation, is one in which each are building ideological, political programs and direction within the objective reality of the fight for civil and human rights. At this point, the contradiction is not antagonistic, but rather one of coexistence and in some cases mutual cohesion and accountability. It is this aspect of mutual accountability, if continued in unprincipled class collaboration, that will prevent the forces for separation to build and sustain a revolutionary movement for complete independence.
Thus, class struggle for national unity must begin by understanding the aspects of the particular contradiction existing between two contending forces within the neo-colony, and how these forces in unity and struggle - dialectically - attract and repel one another politically, and determine the basis of this relationship with the oppressed New Afrikan people in building and sustaining their aspiration to fight for independence. Here it can be said that the struggle must commence by drawing a line of demarcation between programs and objectives of the two forces in relation to the oppressed-New Afrikan masses.
This line of demarcation must be forged through ideological and political struggle, as well as socioeconomic programs addressing the concrete realities of the oppressed disenfranchisement. Where the forces of integration fights for civil rights, the forces for separation must fight for civil rights as the minimum objectives to attain within the process of building
towards complete emancipation. In so doing, the forces for
separation must at times call the forces of integration to do more, to fight harder, to make greater demands on the colonial government (ie., for Black community control) and when they fail to do this, to condemn them for national betrayal, class collaboration and collusion with the enemy government. When such demands are made on the national bourgeoisie, for them to become responsive to the demands being made by the revolutionary forces (especially the working class), they will either have to capitulate and show the oppressed masses their true political nature, as boot licking lackeys, or antagonize the principle contradiction existing between the neo-colony and the colonial government, leading to confrontation. This is the point in which class struggle for national unity broadens and strengthens the capacity for revolutionary forces to organize and mobilize the oppressed New Afrikan masses to support and fight for national liberation.
At this time, the forces of integration (ie., National Bourgeoisie) have for the most part the greater influence over the New Afrikan people, because they are recognized as the official leaders- and speakers of the neo-colony by the colonialist; while the oppressed masses are for the most part politically integrated into- +-he working mechanism (Democratic and Republican Party or building a National Black Independent Political Party and as wage earners) of the system of oppression, and thereby provides the neocolonialist a semblance of legitimacy as representatives. Hence, the purpose of class struggle within the neo-colony is to erode
this ideal of legitimacy the neo-colonialist wields, expose their relationship as its exists. To expose the means and method in which the colonial government maintains control over the oppressed New Afrikan Nation, by causing the contradiction between the neocolonial integrationist and the colonialist to become antagonistic.
The mementos of the class struggle for national unity is for revolutionary nationalist forces to build support of the independence movement by discrediting the prospects of integration into this capitalist system. Class divisions within the structural foundation of capitalism determines the essential basis by which the particular contradiction rests, which in and of itself indicates integration in this system would be to perpetuate class division and exploitation of the neo-colony. Thus, class struggle for national unity also holds the principle contradiction, whereby to end class divisions within the neo-colony would be to end the means and method of control and national oppression the neo-colony suffers by the system of capitalist colonial imperialism.
The class struggle will inevitably cause a contradiction to arise amongst the neo-colonialist and their supporters, and it will heighten political consciousness and combativeness amongst all classes within the neo-colony. The various segments of the middle class will split for and against the course of development between the national bourgeoisie of the neo-colony, and the revolutionary nationalist working class as epitomized by the forces for separation. The working class will gain a better understanding of the political determination of the movement, gaining a class
consciousness that will re-enforce their nationalist fervor. The lumpen-proletariat subculture will also gain a class consciousness in which they will come to understand that their survival and development will be based on the fulfillment of the revolutionary nationalist direction of the independence movement. In this way, natiopal unity can be attained and evolve to a level where a greater number of the oppressed New Afrikan people will support the endeavors of the forces for separation and become staunch supporters of the independence movement.
It must also be stated, during the course of the class struggle for national unity, the enemy government will seek to preserve the legitimacy-of the neo-colonialist. They will afford them greater amount of visibility in the media, become more politically friendly, giving larger concessions and authority to command the mode and direction of the struggle. This is why it is so important that revolutionary nationalist forces make their programs for Black community control known amongst the New Afrikan people (especially the working class). They must diligently, relentlessly and vigorously challenge the national bourgeoisie civil rights program as minimum demands, and insufficient to the needs of the New Afrikan Nation.
At first, the class struggle may appear to be divisive, but only until lines of demarcation have been drawn between two contending forces and directions in the neo-colony struggle for
self -determination and independence. Thereby, class struggle for
national unity becomes an essential part of the liberation
movement
-- a fight for Black community control; a part in which the
particularities of the contradiction of class divisions within the
neo-colony becomes a motivating factor by which the principle
contradiction between the neo-colony and the colonial government
becomes acute and antagonistic; and separation/ independence
become
the ultimate goal to attain in a revolutionary nationalist
struggle
between the nationally oppressed and the national oppressor.
