Marek Vit's Kurt Vonnegut Corner
The Only Story of Mine Whose Moral I Know
Gray Proctor

        "This  is  the  only  story  of mine whose
    moral I  know. I don't think  it's a marvelous
    moral; I simply happen to know what it is : We
    are  what  we  pretend  to  be,  so we must be
    careful about what we pretend to be."

        "Look out, Kid!"
          -Bob Dylan, Subterranean Homesick Blues


     Vonnegut's work is rife with  instances of lie become truth.
Howard Campbell's  own double identity  is a particularly  strong
example, although Vonnegut's message  is subtle. His actions were
an attempt to survive, but also  an attempt to serve his country.
Campbell would  no doubt have  survived regardless -  survival is
his special talent  - but we aren't given  any indication that he
would have become a cog in the war machine. In fact, the opposite
seems to be true. When  approached by Major Wirtanen, his contact
with the DOD,  he protests that he is not  political and will not
help the war's progress. He was  not an anti-Semite, and does not
become one. Furthermore, in at least two passages in the novel he
makes reference  to a true  self that he  kept hidden. Campbell's
"we are" in his moral cannot  be just a reference to personality.
Instead,  we  must  take  a  less  psychological  view.  Campbell
pretends to be a man who  incites other men to hatred. He becomes
that man.  It is in  Campbell's actions and  their effects, along
with  his societal  and legal  persecution, that  we find the lie
that becomes truth. As Mr. Campbell was not the only propagandist
at work  in Germany in  World War  Two,  it is for  the most part
impossible to determine what measure of war and genocide guilt he
deserves. Nor can we say that he  helped win the war in the sense
that those  who stormed the  beaches at Normandy  did. But as  he
became his lie  to the Germans, he becomes his  lie to Israel and
the United States. In Israel, he is considered a criminal against
humanity.  In  the  United  States,  he  is  loved  by a group of
Neo-Nazis  and hated  by almost  everyone else.  As far as public
perception goes, he might as well be guilty.
     Something that Campbell's father-in-law Werner says shows us
another example of what happens  when our masquerade is too good.
He tells Campbell  that it was he who  convinced him that Germany
had not gone completely insane, and further that his speeches and
Anti-Semitic rhetoric kept him from  being ashamed of anything he
had done as a Nazi. While we might expect this from an officer in
the army, Werner was a civil authority, a keeper of the peace. By
Campbell's account  he was a  decent (though stern)  man, full of
love for the beautiful things  of civilization. He was not cruel.
He was mislead. And of  course Campbell's propaganda does not die
with the propagandist; his words  were fuel for many Anti-Semitic
groups, including the one who is to be his salvation.
     The events directly preceding  "Saint George and the Dragon"
(discussed later)  show that the  personal effects of  Campbell's
lies  are emptiness.  Campbell has  just suffered  a breakdown of
sorts. Major Wirtanen has informed him that both George Kraft and
Resi Noth  are Russian agents. Resi's  last plea for him  to show
her  what to  live for  forces him  to confront  the fact that he
really doesn't have a reason to continue. Before returning to his
apartment,  he  spends  a  day  simply  standing  on the sidewalk
because  "he  had  no  reason  to  move  in  any  direction." His
curiosity, his only motivating force since the death of his wife,
had  left him.  Finally a  policeman (authority)  gets him moving
with only the words "Better be moving along, don't you think?"
     There  is another,  lesser illustration  of this  theme that
deserves mention  because it seems  so atypical of  what Vonnegut
wants to  do with the  book. One of  his guards in  Israel 'plays
dead' while Nazi  soldiers remove his gold inlays.  At the end of
the war, he finds himself so  numb that buckling his suitcase has
as much affective impact on him  as hanging Hoess: none. That is,
he finds  himself dead to  both hate and  compassion. Vonnegut is
more interested in what happens when others believe our lies, not
in the character  of self deception (beyond his  appraisal of the
totalitarian mind). That is why  we are confronted with the White
Christian  Minutemen,  people  for   whom  Howard's  rhetoric  is
inspirational. These strange men are partially of his own making,
and several times he recognizes  words that must have been lifted
from  old speeches  of his.  A younger  Campbell, the playwright,
would scarce  have believed he  could have fueled  such idiocy as
this. The older man, the one  in the cell, has realized something
about human nature:

                 "I  had hoped,  as a  broadcaster, to  be merely
         ludicrous, but this is a  hard world to be ludicrous in,
         with  so many  human beings  so reluctant  to laugh,  so
         incapable of thought, so eager  to believe and snarl and
         hate. So many people wanted to believe me!"

     Given this view of human nature, we see now that pretense is
not  mainly  a   personally  damaging  psychological  phenomenon.
Instead, play-acting like  Campbell's is fuel for a  fire that is
already  kept under  control by  the barest  margin. Another clue
into the  nature of humanity is  found in the title  of the book,
a reference to a Mephistopheles' speech in Faust: "I am a part of
the part  that at first was  all, part of the  darkness that gave
birth to  light, that supercilious light  which now disputes with
Mother Night her ancient rank and space, and yet can not succeed;
no matter  how it struggles,  it sticks to  matter and can't  get
free." There is danger, Vonnegut says, in all that undermines our
fragile veil of humanity, whether we do it in earnest or in jest.
     We must ask ourselves why  it is that Campbell's truth never
falls victim to his own lies. Simply put, he's a sane man. He can
distinguish  right from  wrong, and   could "no  more tell  a lie
without  noticing it  than [he]  could unknowingly  pass a kidney
stone." (Vonnegut  124) That hallmark  of the totalitarian  mind,
the gear with  teeth (facts) willfully filed off,  is not present
within him. In his refusal to lie to himself, he is also aware of
the "cruel consequences of anyone's believing [his] lies." We are
in the dark  about why, given this, Campbell  decides to play the
Nazi.  What  we  do  know  is  that  ultimately  he is capable of
weighing the  evidence, returning a verdict  of guilty (of crimes
against himself), and sentencing himself to death.
     The workings of blind chance figure prominently in this book
as well.  It's just an  unlikely coincidence that  Campbell meets
George Kraft, the  Russian spy who is to  become his only friend.
After he's  exposed as that  Howard W. Campbell,  Jr., an admirer
ambushes him near his apartment  and beats him senseless. He also
gives  Campbell  a  noose,  presumably  to  save the Israelis the
trouble of incarcerating him. The  noose goes into a garbage can.
The next day,  a garbageman hangs himself with it  - "but that is
another story."
     In the pivotal chapter "St. George and the Dragon," the role
of  chance  becomes  clear.  As  the  chapter begins, O'Hare, the
soldier  who  captured  Campbell  so  long  ago, lies waiting for
Campbell to return to his  apartment. O'Hare is full of righteous
anger and, as  the title of the chapter  suggests, a mythic sense
of destiny  fulfilled and security  in his role.  He has come  to
make  reparations, to  defeat what  must surely  be pure  evil in
single  combat.  Set  against  the  backdrop  of the previous two
chapters, the reader of course  recognizes the absurdity of this.
As  O'Hare  prepares  to  complete  his  purpose  on  this earth,
Campbell breaks his arm with a  pair of fire-tongs. The manner in
which  Vonnegut  delivers  this  news  is  flat,  matter-of-fact.
Afterwards Howard delivers a sermon  on the dangers of unreserved
hate, but I think it is misleading  to see this battle as a clash
of ideologies. Campbell strikes  to defend himself, and prevails,
and that's it, and it doesn't  mean so much apart from the facts.
It's not  the sort of  thing that provides  a convenient hook  to
hang a lesson on, but it  shows us something about the stories we
use to explain  our lives. In the first  place, stories are human
constructions, fictions we use to  help us grasp the complexities
of the external world in an  attempt to forge a meaning. They are
not the  world or its  events. The reader,  who perhaps has  more
perspective  than  the  unfortunate  Mr.  O'Hare,  recognizes his
mythologizing for what  it is - a desperate  attempt at direction
in a life that  O'Hare considers meaningless. Campbell recognizes
this too.  He's lost his  knack for art  of this sort.  "It's all
I've  seen,  all  I've  been  through.that  makes  it  damn  near
impossible for me to say anything.  I've lost the knack of making
sense. I speak gibberish to  the civilized world, and it responds
in kind." (Vonnegut 96)
     Vonnegut also  shows how events, usually  chance ones, often
confound our attempts to coat reality  with a thin candy shell of
meaning. It would've  been a good story, though  a false one. but
in the end it just didn't pan out. Campbell's own attempt to make
sense  of the  world and  his  place  in it  dies with  the other
citizen  of his  'Nation of  Two'. Poor  Campbell. We really must
feel pity for  him. His nation returns, briefly,  but it's a lie.
His other chance to find a  sliver of meaning, in his friendship,
is mostly  a lie too.  All the worse  for an artist  who "admires
form,"  things with  "a beginning,  a middle,  and an  end - and,
whenever possible, a moral, too."  (Vonnegut 136) The beauties of
form and sense,  of a coherent life, are denied  him. He is badly
used, by his  country, by Germany, and by  the Soviets. He likens
himself  to a  hog in  a Chicago  stockyard. They  find a use for
every  part  of  him.  His  art,  a  vehicle  for  lie; his love,
pornography; his memories even perverted by Helga's little sister
Resi.
     How  can we  place this   novel in  some kind  of historical
context?  We can  show how  it is  part of  a larger movement, as
Dickstein does, and then take  that movement as representative of
changing world views and values. We can also show how the book is
an example of the mood that events of the era generated. We would
then take the book as a product  of a person who lived with these
events. The  former approach focuses on  change within a cultural
aggregate,  while the  latter is  a cultural  barometer. A  final
possible  approach is  to interpret  the events  in the  novel as
representative of specific events.  Using such a blunt instrument
is perhaps  a disservice to a  writer as complex as  Vonnegut; it
isn't likely that he is  retelling a specific political story. In
defense of this approach, I will say that when interpretations of
this sort are  possible it is because the  story has already been
told.  That is,  the same  moral lessons  can be  drawn from  the
instances of actors  on the stage of history.  Knowing humans, it
is  entirely  possible  that   someone  has  given  history  this
'reading'  and not  impossible  that  the author  encountered it,
independently or second hand.
     With that brief digression on  methodology behind us, we can
now  turn  to  the  substantive  issues.  Dickstein  is primarily
concerned with Vonnegut as a "structural" black humorist. This is
so because  of his fascination with  forms and what they  tell us
about  perceptions. They  are, he  states, a  link to  the social
whole that does not rely on any direct allusion. (Dickstein 95)
     The book also exemplifies the awakening critical spirit
     As a product of the mood  of the early sixties, Mother Night
speaks of disillusionment and an understanding that the world may
be insane.  Campbell, as I've  said, is a  man badly used  by his
country, yet he never manages to  hate the U.S. This sounds a lot
like  the  Rosenbergs,  who  were  put  to  death  in the name of
anti-communist  hysteria but  never attacked  'the system'.  What
Campbell's case shares with that  of the Rosenbergs' is that both
are  examples of  things that   our country  just doesn't  do. To
convict innocents just because  of their politics! And Campbell's
were, of course,  only pretended for the benefit  of the war. The
sixties  and late  fifties also  saw the  expansion of  America's
imperialist role  within her sphere of  influence. Sometimes real
U.S.  foreign  policy  was  as   questionable  (or  more  so)  as
Campbell's incidence.  When we use  terms like 'the  government',
it's easy  to forget that real  people are behind the  scenes and
that  they  were  elected  by  the  public.  Vonnegut answers the
question  "What sort  of people  are  we  that do  this?" in  his
assessment  of  human  nature  and  by  showing  what sort of men
Eichmann and Goebbles might be if one were to meet them. When two
of  our favorite  myths -  American exceptionalism  and the basic
goodness of mankind -- collapse, they leave a vacuum behind. What
can we believe in?
     Well,  we  can  certainly  believe  that  the world makes no
sense. We can know, to some extent, how we got to the sixties. We
have historians for  that. But why did four  thousand or so years
of  history  end  up  with  two  superpowers sitting atop nuclear
powderkegs capable  of destroying the world  many times over? And
why in  God's name does  Kennedy insist that  our safety lies  in
continually skirting the edge of war? Why is our best response to
this  threat  a  doctrine  of  mutually  assured  destruction? It
doesn't make much sense. With things poised as they were, it's no
wonder that  Vonnegut was concerned with  the workings of chance.
One  bad  weekend,  or  one  fight  with  the  wife, or one crazy
general, and  Dr. Strangelove could become  terrible reality. The
stories that  conservative America used  to explain the  Cold War
era no doubt sounded a bit  too much like The Crucible to certain
ears.  The alternative  was no  doubt heart-rending  to civilized
people.  At least  some must  have concluded  that the  world was
insane.
     Finally, I'd like  to look at an instance  from our own past
from  which   we  can  draw   similar  morals.  The   progressive
internationalists of Wilson's day were as idealistic as Campbell,
although with  different emphases. Still, we  see the emphasis on
Truth, Good,  and Idea, with  little time for  skulking around in
the domains  of reality, politics, or  (good/evil). The legacy of
that era  is not, of course,  the League of Nations.  America, in
those years,  began to involve itself  in world affairs in  a way
that  is   distinctly  American.  Our  obsession   with  our  own
(perceived)  purity and  that of  our ideology,  combined with an
inabilty to  compromise, set the tone  for this century's foreign
policy. This same idea (not  new to the internationalists, but in
a new  context)  lead  to  such  travesties  as  the  Bay of Pigs
invasion,   support  for   various   coups   de  etat,   and  the
Anti-Communist  hysteria.  Similarly,  Campbell  engages in moral
ambiguity for his principles. Only later in life does he find out
what  the  consequences  of  unquestioning  hatred  and  dogmatic
loyalty to ideology are.


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Last modified: Jun 27, 1999
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