The Only Story of Mine Whose Moral I Know Gray Proctor "This is the only story of mine whose moral I know. I don't think it's a marvelous moral; I simply happen to know what it is : We are what we pretend to be, so we must be careful about what we pretend to be." "Look out, Kid!" -Bob Dylan, Subterranean Homesick Blues Vonnegut's work is rife with instances of lie become truth. Howard Campbell's own double identity is a particularly strong example, although Vonnegut's message is subtle. His actions were an attempt to survive, but also an attempt to serve his country. Campbell would no doubt have survived regardless - survival is his special talent - but we aren't given any indication that he would have become a cog in the war machine. In fact, the opposite seems to be true. When approached by Major Wirtanen, his contact with the DOD, he protests that he is not political and will not help the war's progress. He was not an anti-Semite, and does not become one. Furthermore, in at least two passages in the novel he makes reference to a true self that he kept hidden. Campbell's "we are" in his moral cannot be just a reference to personality. Instead, we must take a less psychological view. Campbell pretends to be a man who incites other men to hatred. He becomes that man. It is in Campbell's actions and their effects, along with his societal and legal persecution, that we find the lie that becomes truth. As Mr. Campbell was not the only propagandist at work in Germany in World War Two, it is for the most part impossible to determine what measure of war and genocide guilt he deserves. Nor can we say that he helped win the war in the sense that those who stormed the beaches at Normandy did. But as he became his lie to the Germans, he becomes his lie to Israel and the United States. In Israel, he is considered a criminal against humanity. In the United States, he is loved by a group of Neo-Nazis and hated by almost everyone else. As far as public perception goes, he might as well be guilty. Something that Campbell's father-in-law Werner says shows us another example of what happens when our masquerade is too good. He tells Campbell that it was he who convinced him that Germany had not gone completely insane, and further that his speeches and Anti-Semitic rhetoric kept him from being ashamed of anything he had done as a Nazi. While we might expect this from an officer in the army, Werner was a civil authority, a keeper of the peace. By Campbell's account he was a decent (though stern) man, full of love for the beautiful things of civilization. He was not cruel. He was mislead. And of course Campbell's propaganda does not die with the propagandist; his words were fuel for many Anti-Semitic groups, including the one who is to be his salvation. The events directly preceding "Saint George and the Dragon" (discussed later) show that the personal effects of Campbell's lies are emptiness. Campbell has just suffered a breakdown of sorts. Major Wirtanen has informed him that both George Kraft and Resi Noth are Russian agents. Resi's last plea for him to show her what to live for forces him to confront the fact that he really doesn't have a reason to continue. Before returning to his apartment, he spends a day simply standing on the sidewalk because "he had no reason to move in any direction." His curiosity, his only motivating force since the death of his wife, had left him. Finally a policeman (authority) gets him moving with only the words "Better be moving along, don't you think?" There is another, lesser illustration of this theme that deserves mention because it seems so atypical of what Vonnegut wants to do with the book. One of his guards in Israel 'plays dead' while Nazi soldiers remove his gold inlays. At the end of the war, he finds himself so numb that buckling his suitcase has as much affective impact on him as hanging Hoess: none. That is, he finds himself dead to both hate and compassion. Vonnegut is more interested in what happens when others believe our lies, not in the character of self deception (beyond his appraisal of the totalitarian mind). That is why we are confronted with the White Christian Minutemen, people for whom Howard's rhetoric is inspirational. These strange men are partially of his own making, and several times he recognizes words that must have been lifted from old speeches of his. A younger Campbell, the playwright, would scarce have believed he could have fueled such idiocy as this. The older man, the one in the cell, has realized something about human nature: "I had hoped, as a broadcaster, to be merely ludicrous, but this is a hard world to be ludicrous in, with so many human beings so reluctant to laugh, so incapable of thought, so eager to believe and snarl and hate. So many people wanted to believe me!" Given this view of human nature, we see now that pretense is not mainly a personally damaging psychological phenomenon. Instead, play-acting like Campbell's is fuel for a fire that is already kept under control by the barest margin. Another clue into the nature of humanity is found in the title of the book, a reference to a Mephistopheles' speech in Faust: "I am a part of the part that at first was all, part of the darkness that gave birth to light, that supercilious light which now disputes with Mother Night her ancient rank and space, and yet can not succeed; no matter how it struggles, it sticks to matter and can't get free." There is danger, Vonnegut says, in all that undermines our fragile veil of humanity, whether we do it in earnest or in jest. We must ask ourselves why it is that Campbell's truth never falls victim to his own lies. Simply put, he's a sane man. He can distinguish right from wrong, and could "no more tell a lie without noticing it than [he] could unknowingly pass a kidney stone." (Vonnegut 124) That hallmark of the totalitarian mind, the gear with teeth (facts) willfully filed off, is not present within him. In his refusal to lie to himself, he is also aware of the "cruel consequences of anyone's believing [his] lies." We are in the dark about why, given this, Campbell decides to play the Nazi. What we do know is that ultimately he is capable of weighing the evidence, returning a verdict of guilty (of crimes against himself), and sentencing himself to death. The workings of blind chance figure prominently in this book as well. It's just an unlikely coincidence that Campbell meets George Kraft, the Russian spy who is to become his only friend. After he's exposed as that Howard W. Campbell, Jr., an admirer ambushes him near his apartment and beats him senseless. He also gives Campbell a noose, presumably to save the Israelis the trouble of incarcerating him. The noose goes into a garbage can. The next day, a garbageman hangs himself with it - "but that is another story." In the pivotal chapter "St. George and the Dragon," the role of chance becomes clear. As the chapter begins, O'Hare, the soldier who captured Campbell so long ago, lies waiting for Campbell to return to his apartment. O'Hare is full of righteous anger and, as the title of the chapter suggests, a mythic sense of destiny fulfilled and security in his role. He has come to make reparations, to defeat what must surely be pure evil in single combat. Set against the backdrop of the previous two chapters, the reader of course recognizes the absurdity of this. As O'Hare prepares to complete his purpose on this earth, Campbell breaks his arm with a pair of fire-tongs. The manner in which Vonnegut delivers this news is flat, matter-of-fact. Afterwards Howard delivers a sermon on the dangers of unreserved hate, but I think it is misleading to see this battle as a clash of ideologies. Campbell strikes to defend himself, and prevails, and that's it, and it doesn't mean so much apart from the facts. It's not the sort of thing that provides a convenient hook to hang a lesson on, but it shows us something about the stories we use to explain our lives. In the first place, stories are human constructions, fictions we use to help us grasp the complexities of the external world in an attempt to forge a meaning. They are not the world or its events. The reader, who perhaps has more perspective than the unfortunate Mr. O'Hare, recognizes his mythologizing for what it is - a desperate attempt at direction in a life that O'Hare considers meaningless. Campbell recognizes this too. He's lost his knack for art of this sort. "It's all I've seen, all I've been through.that makes it damn near impossible for me to say anything. I've lost the knack of making sense. I speak gibberish to the civilized world, and it responds in kind." (Vonnegut 96) Vonnegut also shows how events, usually chance ones, often confound our attempts to coat reality with a thin candy shell of meaning. It would've been a good story, though a false one. but in the end it just didn't pan out. Campbell's own attempt to make sense of the world and his place in it dies with the other citizen of his 'Nation of Two'. Poor Campbell. We really must feel pity for him. His nation returns, briefly, but it's a lie. His other chance to find a sliver of meaning, in his friendship, is mostly a lie too. All the worse for an artist who "admires form," things with "a beginning, a middle, and an end - and, whenever possible, a moral, too." (Vonnegut 136) The beauties of form and sense, of a coherent life, are denied him. He is badly used, by his country, by Germany, and by the Soviets. He likens himself to a hog in a Chicago stockyard. They find a use for every part of him. His art, a vehicle for lie; his love, pornography; his memories even perverted by Helga's little sister Resi. How can we place this novel in some kind of historical context? We can show how it is part of a larger movement, as Dickstein does, and then take that movement as representative of changing world views and values. We can also show how the book is an example of the mood that events of the era generated. We would then take the book as a product of a person who lived with these events. The former approach focuses on change within a cultural aggregate, while the latter is a cultural barometer. A final possible approach is to interpret the events in the novel as representative of specific events. Using such a blunt instrument is perhaps a disservice to a writer as complex as Vonnegut; it isn't likely that he is retelling a specific political story. In defense of this approach, I will say that when interpretations of this sort are possible it is because the story has already been told. That is, the same moral lessons can be drawn from the instances of actors on the stage of history. Knowing humans, it is entirely possible that someone has given history this 'reading' and not impossible that the author encountered it, independently or second hand. With that brief digression on methodology behind us, we can now turn to the substantive issues. Dickstein is primarily concerned with Vonnegut as a "structural" black humorist. This is so because of his fascination with forms and what they tell us about perceptions. They are, he states, a link to the social whole that does not rely on any direct allusion. (Dickstein 95) The book also exemplifies the awakening critical spirit As a product of the mood of the early sixties, Mother Night speaks of disillusionment and an understanding that the world may be insane. Campbell, as I've said, is a man badly used by his country, yet he never manages to hate the U.S. This sounds a lot like the Rosenbergs, who were put to death in the name of anti-communist hysteria but never attacked 'the system'. What Campbell's case shares with that of the Rosenbergs' is that both are examples of things that our country just doesn't do. To convict innocents just because of their politics! And Campbell's were, of course, only pretended for the benefit of the war. The sixties and late fifties also saw the expansion of America's imperialist role within her sphere of influence. Sometimes real U.S. foreign policy was as questionable (or more so) as Campbell's incidence. When we use terms like 'the government', it's easy to forget that real people are behind the scenes and that they were elected by the public. Vonnegut answers the question "What sort of people are we that do this?" in his assessment of human nature and by showing what sort of men Eichmann and Goebbles might be if one were to meet them. When two of our favorite myths - American exceptionalism and the basic goodness of mankind -- collapse, they leave a vacuum behind. What can we believe in? Well, we can certainly believe that the world makes no sense. We can know, to some extent, how we got to the sixties. We have historians for that. But why did four thousand or so years of history end up with two superpowers sitting atop nuclear powderkegs capable of destroying the world many times over? And why in God's name does Kennedy insist that our safety lies in continually skirting the edge of war? Why is our best response to this threat a doctrine of mutually assured destruction? It doesn't make much sense. With things poised as they were, it's no wonder that Vonnegut was concerned with the workings of chance. One bad weekend, or one fight with the wife, or one crazy general, and Dr. Strangelove could become terrible reality. The stories that conservative America used to explain the Cold War era no doubt sounded a bit too much like The Crucible to certain ears. The alternative was no doubt heart-rending to civilized people. At least some must have concluded that the world was insane. Finally, I'd like to look at an instance from our own past from which we can draw similar morals. The progressive internationalists of Wilson's day were as idealistic as Campbell, although with different emphases. Still, we see the emphasis on Truth, Good, and Idea, with little time for skulking around in the domains of reality, politics, or (good/evil). The legacy of that era is not, of course, the League of Nations. America, in those years, began to involve itself in world affairs in a way that is distinctly American. Our obsession with our own (perceived) purity and that of our ideology, combined with an inabilty to compromise, set the tone for this century's foreign policy. This same idea (not new to the internationalists, but in a new context) lead to such travesties as the Bay of Pigs invasion, support for various coups de etat, and the Anti-Communist hysteria. Similarly, Campbell engages in moral ambiguity for his principles. Only later in life does he find out what the consequences of unquestioning hatred and dogmatic loyalty to ideology are.