GOING by the line propagated by much of the international media, the world
has put behind itself
the spectre of global deflation - a fear spawned by the East Asia crisis
in mid-1997 and heightened
by the Latin American and Russian crises in 1998.
International economy is one of smug complacency and even self-congratulatory
as the relative
stability of financial markets in the
past year evokes perceptions that global capitalism has, again,
managed its own contradictions quite successfully.
"This is utter nonsense, the crisis is not over," declares Charles Santiago
from Stamford Centre of
Economic and Social Research.
His contention: The crisis-ridden countries have not debunked the Asian
economic growth model,
centred on trade and financial liberalisation which led to the crisis in
the first place; socio-political
change in these countries are not over; and the present initiatives taken
by the G-7 to reconstruct a
new monetary architecture do not solve the underlying causes of the crisis.
Institute of Strategic and International Studies' Dr Zainal Aznam Yusof
is equally skeptical of the
commitment and will of G-7 or the North-led grouping to structurally change
the global monetary
system.
"There must be a Big Bang approach rather than the present little, whimpering
efforts. What else are
we waiting for?"
A cursory comparison between the response to the Mexico crisis of 1994
and the present response
shows that the two do not differ substantially nor go far enough to prevent
a recurrence:
A pledge to renew and revitalise the International Monetary Fund and World
Bank as cornerstones
of a new architecture for the post-Cold War international monetary system
(G-7 Summit at Halifax,
Nova Scotia, June, 1995);
A greater surveillance on IMF member countries' macroeconomic policies
and a pledge to boost its
resources to cope with any future Mexico-like emergency - what managing
director Michel
Camdessus then described as "a crisis of a new kind, the first of the century"
(IMF Interim
Committee meeting at Washington, April 1995).
The present initiatives include the previous pledge to reform the IMF and
World Bank; a greater
surveillance and monitoring system through closer co-operation among financial
regulators and the
World Financial Stability Forum; a credit package, the Contingency Credit
Line (a similar lending
facility was stillborn in 1995) for countries in distress.
There were talks of regulating hedge funds but these dissipated in inaction.
The G-7 summit at
Cologne this June did not yield substantive action in altering the global
monetary system.
As Santiago puts it: "The G-7 is merely concerned about demanding greater
transparency,
non-corruption and corporate governance from the crisis-ridden countries
and the US in pressing
Europe and Japan to double their efforts to suck in more goods from developing
countries so that
these countries can export their way to economic health."
In June, Lawrence Summers, the US' newly ensconced treasury secretary,
had expressed worries
that the US is still the world's "importer of last resort".
Many seem to agree with him but those who wax eloquent on the role played
by the US economy
as the only engine of growth in the current international economic configuration
should remember
that this is also due to the inflow of savings into the US from the rest
of the world.
The G-7's rejection of the proposed Asian Monetary Fund, an Asean currency
and the proposal by
Japan and Germany for a balanced currency band that includes yen, euro
and dollar, shows it is
more concerned in promoting further financial liberalisation rather than
addressing the root causes of
the crisis.
It wants the countries to behave like international corporations whose
duty is only for stakeholders,
who would be mainly the international investors, and not the citizenry.
As for hedge funds, most disappointing is the US' point of view which finds
nothing wrong with it
except for a little lack of transparency.
Even though the G-7 broadens the system-building process to include the
active participation of the
big banks and international investors which dominate the international
capital market, their presence
is irrelevant since there is active effort to validate their activities
in the current form.
"The present measures do not strike at the key things that're wrong with
the global system. There
must be some control over the economic agents, the speculators and investment
bankers who
provide the money.
"Without a strong agreement to regulate the movement of short-term capital
flows, there won't be
any substantial progress.
"The thinking that speculation brings stability and one has to live with
these bloodsucking vampires
flies in the face of facts," says Zainal.
He adds that complacency has been embedded in the international system
as to the severity of
crises, consequences of systemic risks and the ineffectiveness of conventional
approaches to the
crises.
Many believe the worst is over. But the voluminous United Nations Department
of Economic and
Social Affairs' publication, entitled The World Economy in 1999 shows that
in terms of real
economic indicators, there is no evidence of recovery in the world economy
and hence, the present
financial stability is inherently fragile.
World trade in volume terms grew by about 3.5 per cent in 1998 - which
is the smallest of
increases this decade and less than half the rate in 1997.
This low rate of increase resulted from the almost five per cent decline
in imports of developing
countries and the 10 per cent import drop in Japan.
The UN estimates that in 1999 import levels will begin to recover, albeit
slowly, with import
volumes rising 2.5 per cent in developing countries and 0.25 per cent in
Japan.
As has been constantly pointed out by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad, although
crisis-ridden countries managed to stabilise their currencies, exchange
rates for many have remained
at values far below their pre-crisis levels.
This means a net loss of real income and hence purchasing power in these
countries, already
compounded by the declining unit values of their exports.
"The world can no longer be dependent on G-7. Asian nations should articulate
a different position
and solicit support from Europe.
"China, too, must ask itself how it can support the Asian cause. Roping
China in is important as the
US takes China more seriously than Asia.
"Geo-politically, Japan and Europe must re-align themselves. Unfortunately,
most European
governments are pro-US.
"At the same time, Asian nations must articulate a growth model which is
sustainable," asserts
Santiago.
Zainal believes that what man does can be undone. But there is no serious
undertaking to
reconstruct a new financial architecture.
Today's stability is hollow and is a prelude to yet another round of crisis in the future.