When Americans read or hear about Transylvania, they immediately think
of vampires, cemeteries, a
mysterious, gloomy, and fog-covered countryside, lonely and terrorized
people overawed and
overshadowed by the castle and eery personality of Count Dracula. Bram
Stoker and Hollywood have
succeeded in relegating a real place, with real people and real problems,
into a storybook creation, a
never-never land for movies and television audiences. Once Transylvania
became a fiction in the
popular mind, it received the faddish attention of certain writers
who capitalized on the interest by
becoming scholars of the fiction. Thus, even the scholarly world has
contributed to the perpetuation of
the fog that engulfs Transylvania. For a while, even the Rumanian government
promoted the confusion,
to encourage its tourist trade. It ran advertisements --- picturing
a mysterious-looking castle --- in the
New York Times (and elsewhere) headlined "Yes there is a Transylvania."
The prevalence of these stereotypes compounds the problem of those who
wish to deal with the real
Transylvania, because although much more fascinating than the fictional
one, the real land is not a
refuge from the world's problems, but rather a microcosm of them.
The present volume seeks to provide students of ethnic affairs and of
Eastern European history,
politics, society, and culture with a scholarly, interesting, and up-to-date
insight into the fascinating life
and development of this multiethnic area. Transylvania is indeed a
microcosm of our world; it is a
seething, restless, exciting place, one with numerous problems waiting
for solution.
The problem that stands out above all others is the quest for peace,
unity, and order in a setting
characterized by diversity, discontent, and a legacy of conflict. In
Europe, Transylvania is the potential
setting for one of the most troublesome ethnic minority crises of the
current age. Although the question
of the Hungarian and German minorities has not been as prominent since
World War II as have the
problems in Northern Ireland, the Basque-inhabited corner of Spain,
or on Cyprus, it involves the
destiny of many more people and ultimately the "structure of peace"
that was created after World War
I, reasserted after World War II, and reiterated at Helsinki as recently
as August, 1975.
In Transylvania, the very foundations of this world order are challenged
by the confrontation that has prevailed there at least since 1918 between
the Rumanian, Hungarian,
and German inhabitants. In the last fifteen years, or since the 1968
Warsaw Pact invasion of
Czechoslovakia, the developments in the relations of these peoples
have again created cause for
concern. The revelations of abuses in the treatment of minorities through
the Károly Király letters in
the summer and fall of 1977 have broadened awareness of the Transylvanian
question and documented
the broken promises of the new Communist order in this area.
The collection of studies in this volume provides an analysis of the
roots of the conflict, the description
of its evolution to the present, and some reflections on possible future
solutions.
Ethnic diversity and its close concomitant, minority problems, are now
a global concern. Actually they
have always been that, but in our time they have been brought to the
forefront of our awareness by the
attempt to make nation-states the guardians of the principle of "self-determination
of peoples." The end
of World War I saw the creation of new states in Eastern Europe that
claimed to be based on
self-determination. Similarly, after World War II the disintegration
of vast colonial empires was
achieved with reference to this principle. In actual fact, the creation
of real nation-states based on the
self-determination of a specific people was the exception rather than
the rule. Both in Eastern Europe
after World War I and throughout the world following World War II the
pattern has been to impose the
nation-state system on multinational settings. Instead of realizing
the ideal of self-determination of
peoples this has simply led to multinational states masquerading as
nation-states. At the same time it
has brought extreme pressure to be exerted on minorities to conform
to the language, culture, and
institutional order of the dominant majority or plurality peoples.
At any rate, the process has generally
led to more rather than less trauma and persecution regarding cultural
matters as compared to the
more haphazard practices of past colonial administrations and imperial
bureaucracies.
As Walker Conner (World Politics, April, 1972) has pointed out, of the
roughly 132 states in the world
in 1972, only 12 percent were monoethnic "nation-states." All others
had at least one significant ethnic
or national minority, but most had two, three, or more. In 1982 when
there are over 155 states in the
world this percentage is almost certainly higher. This means that worldwide,
mankind must come to
grips with the problems of diversity and majority-minority relations.
The Transylvanian experience
provides a rich storehouse of information in this area about the past
and present, the positive and
negative
approaches to coping with this global fact. Sometimes the failures of
others may be as instructive as
their successes; they can provide guide-posts regarding what should
be avoided as well as what should
be attempted.
Transylvania is also an ideal laboratory for examining interethnic and
internationality relations because
the Hungarian (c. 2.4 million) and German (c. 350,000) minorities are
large, self-conscious groups.
They are not mere ethnic minorities, but significant linguistic and
cultural blocks that differ from the
majority population in historical and religious traditions as well.
Furthermore, Rumania's reaction to the
presence of minorities is intimately related to its conduct of foreign
affairs. In the interwar years, this
applied to all significant minorities in Rumania. Since World War II,
it has been a factor primarily
regarding the Hungarians and to a lesser extent the Germans. In terms
of majority-minority relations,
then, the Transylvanian setting provides lessons regarding almost every
conceivable combination of
problems and solutions. Finally, the ideological context also provides
exceptionally interesting
opportunities for comparative analysis, because Transylvania has experienced
both the "bourgeois
nationalist" and "Leninist-Stalinist" solution of the minority problem.
This volume approaches the problem of majority-minority relations in
a four-step analysis. Step one
includes studies that trace the history of emerging national consciousness
in Transylvania. The
Domonkos, Elteto, and Király essays focus primarily on the prenationalist
phase of interethnic relations,
outlining the factors that set the stage for this development among
the various inhabitants of
Transylvania. The second step relates to the emergence of modern nationalist
orientations. The Held,
Deak, Bődy, Stroup, and Vardy studies focus on the period during
which Rumanians, Hungarians, and
Germans became polarized politically. Step three examines the impact
of international relations in the
twentieth century on the Transylvanian setting. The studies by Pastor,
Fisher-Galati, and Kertesz trace
developments from World War I to the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Step
four includes studies that
outline the major features of contemporary Rumanian nationality policies
in Transylvania. The Ludanyi,
Illyés, and Veress analyses describe the cultural, educational,
legal, and political context of
majority-minority relations in Rumania.
Finally, the editors have provided four brief introductions and a conclusion
to the studies. The volume
also includes a chronology of Transylvanian history and appendices.
The chronology enables the
readers to get an overview and it also provides a grid on which each
study may be placed. The Appendix includes a listing of Transylvanian
place names in all relevant
languages. (Although a concerted effort has been made to include place
names in the three languages
in the text, the listing at the end provides a convenient reference.)
A table on the population of
Transylvania provides an additional appendix that the reader can consult.
There are also appended to
the volume a series of memos issued during the diplomatic give-and-take
at Paris in 1946, and the text
of Paul Auer's speech at the Paris Peace Conference. Furthermore, the
book includes the relevant
maps to which the individual contributors make reference.
Many of the papers included in this volume were presented at the Symposium
on Transylvania held
May 18-20, 1979, at Kent State University. However, the editors have,
where possible, solicited
additional studies to make the collection as well-rounded as possible.
They have also encouraged the
writers of the original studies to revise or expand their contributions.
Some have done so, others have
not. This explains, in part, the differences in length and documentation
of the various essays.
The studies have retained their individualism in other ways as well.
The editors have left to individual
author preference the designation of Rumania (Romania) and reference
to the Székelys (Szeklers or
Seklers). Regarding the latter, "Szekler" has been popularized in the
West by German scholarship. It is
a distortion of the Hungarian designation, "Székely." But since
both spellings have been accepted in
English-language sources, the editors have left its spelling to the
discretion of the individual authors.
The designation of Rumania (Roumania, Romania) is a more sensitive issue.
It is related to the whole
question of historical claims concerning the origin and destiny of
Rumania in Eastern Europe. As such
it is also directly tied to the emergence of the Rumanian people as
a self-conscious, state-building
community. It is controversial, because historical claims to Transylvania
are based on prior settlement,
which in turn depends on whether or not present-day Rumanians are recognized
as descendants of
Trajan's Romans who conquered the Dacians in A.D. 106. Those who do
not accept the Daco-Roman
theory of Rumanian continuity are more likely to spell the national
designation with a "u."
The preference for the "u" is based on the popular ethnic self-definition
of the Rumanians as "Rumîni"
(plural) or "Rumîn" (singular). This self-definition predates
the actual creation in 1859 of a Rumanian
state, which came into being as a consequence of the unification of
the provinces of Wallachia and
Moldavia. Until then, all the other
peoples of Eastern Europe referred to the Rumanians as Wlach, Vlah,
or Oláh, for which the English
rendition is "Vlach." The latter term originally referred to the nomadic
shepherd peoples of the Balkans.
Consequently, those who think the Balkan Vlachs the precursors of the
present-day Rumanians prefer
to write the name with a "u." They assume that the popular "Rumîn"
or "Rumîni" self-definition is based
on the prevalent Ottoman Turkish designation for the Balkans (or the
Byzantine empire covering that
area) as the land of the "Rum", (i.e., Rome or Eastern Roman Empire).
Of course, not everyone who prefers "Rumanian" rather than "Romanian"
is against the Daco-Roman
theory, or vice-versa. At any rate, since the end of World War II,
the official Rumanian spelling has
been "Romania", and this has also been the spelling used for publications
sent to English-speaking
countries. However, in the West most English-language scholarly publications
have spelled the name
"Rumania" from World War II to the 1960s. Since about the middle of
the 1960s, English-language
publications in the West have used either Rumania or Romania. In German,
the official designation has
been Rumänien, while in French it has been Roumanie. Of all Rumania's
neighbors, ironically, only
Hungary writes "Románia" with an "o." Whatever the case may
be, whatever the reason for the
preference of each individual author, the editors have felt that the
issue is sensitive enough that the
acceptance of diversity is preferable to a uniformity that might be
resented by some of the contributors.
However, Roumania (still acceptable but now somewhat archaic) has been
changed to Rumania or
Romania, again based on author preference.
Still another designation that causes unease for advocates of standardization
and uniformity is
reference to the territories of pre-World War I Rumania. Some authors
have called it the "old" kingdom
(including Wallachia --- today Muntenia and Oltenia --- and Moldavia),
while others have called it royal
Rumania and still others the "Regat." Again, the editors have allowed
for diversity as long as
consistency has been maintained in the individual essays.
In relation to the use of the designation Magyar as opposed to Hungarian,
some degree of
standardization has been necessary to avoid confusion. Where possible
the editors have used the more
general term Hungarian. However, in some cases where not only national
affiliation was discussed but
the cultural and ethnic affiliation as well, Magyar has been preferred.
Other, more controversial
designations, which have been left to individual preference, have been
references to the Treaty of
Trianon and the Second Vienna Award. Some of the contributors have
referred to one or both as
"Diktats."
For the sake of consistency and clarity the editors have tried to standardize
the use of place names and
personal names. In the case of personal names, the standard has been
to write the name of the
individual according to national background (e.g., Closca, Dózsa).
An exception has been made for first
names. English equivalents for Hungarian, Rumanian, and German first
names have been used
interchangeably, again on the basis of the individual preferences of
the authors. Furthermore, following
the English practice, first names are given before last names even
though in the case of Hungarian
names the reverse would be accepted practice.
In relation to place names, the rule that the editors have followed
is to present the name of the location
in the language of the people that had control over it at the time
of reference. Thus, if reference is
made to a Transylvanian city prior to 1918, it will be in Hungarian.
Cities mentioned in the period since
1918-20 will be in Rumanian, unless the mention refers to cities in
northern Transylvania in the period
of Hungarian jurisdiction between 1940-44. In either case, however,
after a place is mentioned for the
first time, the names of the place in the other languages are included
in parentheses, e.g., Cluj-Napoca
(Kolozsvár, Klausenburg). With respect to that city (the most
important cultural center in
Transylvania), there are some special problems concerning its Rumanian
name. Recently, since the
re-Dacianization craze overwhelmed the Rumanian party leaders, they
have renamed some of the
cities in the country. Thus the city of Kolozsvár (Hungarian)
or Klausenburg (German), which was
renamed Cluj by the Rumanians after 1918, has again been renamed and
since the middle of the 1970s
is officially called Cluj-Napoca. Within the present volume, the latter
designation will only be used
when reference is made to the city in terms of the past half-dozen
years.
One other standardization has been attempted; to put the essays into
third person, active voice. Again
there have been some exceptions to this, where the personal testimony
of the writer has been an
important consideration. In the case of the Kertesz study, the first
person has been retained because
the author is not merely a scholar of those events, but was an active
participant in them. In fact, it is
through his assistance that the editors obtained copies of the Paris
Peace Treaty memos and the Paul
Auer speech that are included as appendices to the present volume.
Finally, the editors would like to express their appreciation to all
those who made this volume possible.
First and foremost, they would like to thank Mrs. Renee Harris, Mrs.
Barbara Roberts, Miss Judith
Szabo, and Mrs. Julianna Ludanyi for the typing and retyping that goes
with any undertaking of this nature. The editors would also like to
thank all those who contributed by
providing moral or material support at important stages in the book's
early evolution. Mr. Marton Sass,
Dr. Enikő Molnár Basa, Dr. August Molnar, Mr. Tibor Cseh,
Mr. William Koteles, Mr. Béla Lipták,
Mr. László Böjtös, Dr. Louis Szathmáry,
Dr. John Palasics, Mr. John Venczel, Mrs. Narcissza Layton,
and Ms. Agnes Bodnar deserve special mention. The editors also received
constructive criticism and
scholarly advice from their colleagues and friends in numerous academic
disciplines. They are
particularly grateful to Dr. Anne Lippert of Ohio Northern University
for reading the French original of
the Auer speech and its English translation to make sure that the latter
was an effective and accurate
rendition of the former. Along these lines, the editors also wish to
say special thanks to Dr. Enikő
Molnár Basa and Mary and András Boros-Kazai for checking
Rumanian census data at the Library of
Congress and the Indiana University Library, respectively. For the
maps included in this volume the
editors want to express their gratitude to Mr. Tamas Frecska, whose
language skills and historical
awareness guaranteed maps that are accurate as well as attractive.
They also want to say thanks for
the suggestions and assistance or intellectual stimulation of Dr. Peter
J. Fliess of the University of
Massachusetts, Dr. David C. Saffell and Professor Mary Hammond of Ohio
Northern University.
Finally, for the attractive pen drawing on the jacket they would like
to thank Vígh, István. Of course,
for the opinions expressed in each one of the essays the responsibility
belongs to the individual
contributors. On the other hand, for any shortcomings that this joint
effort may contain, the editors
accept full responsibility.
The editors are confident that Transylvania: The Roots of Ethnic Conflict
will fill a gap in the
English-language scholarly world on the affairs of Rumanians, Hungarians,
and Saxon-Germans in an
important corner of Eastern Europe, and by providing a clearer perception
of the area's past and
present, they hope they have also contributed to a better future for
all the inhabitants of Transylvania.
J.F.C.
A.L.
L.J.E.
Contributors
PAUL BőDY is a specialist in nineteenth-century Central European
revolutionary and social
movements. His published works include Joseph Eötvös and
the Modernization of Hungary,
1840-1870.
JOHN F. CADZOW is the director of the Ethnic Heritage Program at Kent
State University and
organizer of the conference from which the present volume emerged.
He is the author of The
Lithuanian Americans and Their Communities in Cleveland.
ISTVAN DEAK is professor of history at Columbia University, former director
of Columbia's Institute
on East Central Europe, and past chairman of the American Association
for the Study of Hungarian
History. Among his books on East European topics is The Lawful Revolution:
Louis Kossuth and the
Hungarians, 1848-1849.
LESLIE S. DOMONKOS is professor of history at Youngstown State University.
His specialty is
medieval and renaissance history, and he has served several terms as
visiting senior scholar at the
Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
LOUIS J. ELTETO is chairman of the Department of Foreign Languages at
Portland State University.
His research in religious movements and church history have particular
emphasis on the Unitarians in
Transylvania. He is editor of Itt-Ott [Here-There], a bilingual periodical
of social and literary criticism.
STEPHEN FISCHER-GALAtI is professor of history and director of the Center
for Slavic and East
European Studies at the University of Colorado. He is the author of
numerous books and articles on
Eastern European history and international affairs and is editor of
East European Quarterly and East
European Monographs.
JOSEPH HELD is former chairman of the History Department of University
College, Rutgers
University and, at present, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences
at Camden. His latest book is
The Modernization of Agriculture: Rural Transformation in Hungary,
1848-1949.
ELEMÉR ILLYÉS, now living in West Germany, is a frequent
contributor to Hungarian language
periodicals in Europe, largely on topics of minority problems
in East Central Europe. His major work is Erdély változása
(Metamorphosis Transylvaniae), a study
of nationality policies in present-day Rumania.
STEPHEN D. KERTESZ is professor emeritus of Government and International
Studies at the
University of Notre Dame. Before emigrating to the United States in
1947, he served in the Foreign
Ministry of the Hungarian government and was for a time first secretary
of the Hungarian legation in
Bucharest with responsibility for the Hungarian minority in southern
Transylvania. He has published
extensively on Eastern European political questions.
BÉLA K. KIRÁLY took a leading role in the Hungarian Revolution
of 1956. Now professor of history
at Brooklyn College, he is also chairman of the East European Section,
Center for European Studies of
the Graduate School at CUNY. He has written and published widely on
Hungarian history and Eastern
European politics.
ANDREW LUDANYI is professor of political science at Ohio Northern University
and associate
editor of Itt-Ott. His research and writings have dealt with ethnic
relations in the American and
Eastern European settings.
PETER PASTOR, professor of history at Montclair State College, is the
author of Hungary Between
Wilson and Lenin: The Hungarian Revolution of 1918-1919 and other works
in modern Eastern
European history.
EDSEL WALTER STROUP, author of Hungary in Early 1848: The Constitutional
Struggle
Against Absolutism in Contemporary Eyes, is currently working on his
dissertation on the
government of Count Lajos Batthyány at the University of Akron.
STEVEN BELA VARDY, current president of the American Association for
the Study of Hungarian
History, is professor of history at Duquesne University. He is the
author of a political biography of
Joseph Eötvös and several works on Hungarian historiography.
BULCSU VERESS holds a law degree from Eötvös University of
Budapest and a degree in
international relations from Columbia University. He is presently staff
assistant to Senator Christopher
Dodd of Connecticut and has written numerous position papers on Eastern
European ethnic relations.