PSYCHIATRIC IMPERIALISM: THE MEDICALISATION OF MODERN LIVING.
Joanna Moncrieff,
Reprinted from Soundings, issue 6, summer 1997
Introduction
The institution of psychiatry grew up in the 19th century during the
emergence and consolidation of industrial capitalism. Its function was
to deal with abnormal and bizarre behaviour which, without breaking the
law, did not comply with the demands of the new social and economic order.
Its association with medicine concealed this political function of social
control by endowing it with the objectivity and neutrality of science.
The medical model of mental disorder has served ever since to obscure the
social processes that produce and define deviance by locating problems
in individual biology. This obsfucation lends itself to the perpetuation
of the established order by side-stepping the challenge that is implicit
in deviant behaviour and thereby undermining a source of criticism and
opposition. During the 20th century, a fierce attack on psychiatry has
condemned this misleading medical characterisation of the problems of living
and the repressive measures that masquerade as psychiatric treatment. However,
at the same time more sophisticated technology has enabled the psychiatric
profession not only to weather the storm, but to strengthen its claim to
the jurisdiction of 'mental illness.' Opportunities for social control
and the suppression of dissent in the guise of psychiatry have increased.
In some respects psychiatry has never been as confident and respectable
as it is at present. In the 1950s and 1960s a pharmacological revolution
produced an array of drugs for use in disorders such as schizophrenia,
depression and anxiety which enabled psychiatry to move closer to the paradigm
of physical medicine of administering specific cures for specific conditions.
Starting in this period also, psychiatric care relocated physically away
from the discredited asylums and into general hospitals, in closer proximity
to the rest of the medical community. This move embodied the attempts of
the psychiatric profession to disentangle itself from the stigma of caring
for the chronically insane and instead to forge a role curing the acutely
disturbed. Community care is the concession to the chronic and recurrent
nature of psychiatric conditions.
Similarly, the endeavour to locate the biological origins of mental
illness has been revitalised by the introduction of new technology for
studying the brain and by the development of molecular genetics and the
human genome project. Despite a disappointing lack of consistent results,
the quantity of resources devoted to this research has, in itself, leant
the medical model of mental illness further credibility.
However, the 20th century has also produced an influential critique
of psychiatry articulated by academics and some rebel psychiatrists (famously,
R.D. Laing, Thomas Szasz & David Cooper). Sociological theories of
deviance, medicalisation and the organisation of professions helped to
expose the political functions and processes involved in the institution
of psychiatry. The paternalism of psychiatry was attacked and medical treatment
was accused of being more oppressive than legal sanctions or punishment.
These ideas were expressed in concrete form in the activities of protest
movements, patient advocacy groups and experiments in alternative care.
In the early 1970s in the Netherlands and the United States, where protest
movements were particularly strong, there were demonstrations against the
use of electro convulsive therapy (ECT), university lectures were disrupted
and some prominent biological psychiatrists had to have police protection.
There were famous attempts to create therapeutic communities which renounced
staff patient distinctions and hierarchies (such as R.D. Laing's Kingsley
Hall and David Cooper's Ward 21in the United Kingdom) and in Italy a politically
conscious democratic psychiatry movement instituted mental health care
reforms. The patient advocacy movement, which took inspiration from civil
rights organisations, was another important development. Although the activism
has diminished, patient or survivor groups remain strong and individuals
and groups of professionals continue to promote alternative approaches
to the problems of the so-called mentally ill . The 'antipsychiatry' movement
also had a significant impact on social policy resulting in increasing
restrictions on involuntary confinement and treatment and a diminishing
use of physical techniques such as psychosurgery and ECT.
However, recent developments in the definition and management of two
major psychiatric conditions, depression and schizophrenia, illustrate
that the social influence and formal powers of institutional psychiatry
may now be expanding. The criticism that was first expressed over three
decades ago may therefore be more relevant than ever.
Depression: medicalising discontent
The Defeat Depression Campaign (DDC), launched in 1992 was organised
by the Royal College of Psychiatrists in association with the Royal College
of General Practitioners with funding from the pharmaceutical industry.
The literature of this campaign suggests that around 10% of the population
suffer from a depressive disorder at any one time, a third will suffer
at some time during their lives and antidepressant drugs are recommended
for all those with moderate to severe symptoms. These claims seem to suggest
that a large proportion of human unhappiness is biologically based and
can be similarly corrected. The publicity surrounding the new antidepressant
fluoxetine (prozac) has become only slightly more extreme with claims that
it has personality altering and general life enhancing properties.
A recent collection of interviews with prominent psychopharmacologists
who were involved with the discovery and introduction of modern psychiatric
drugs provides an interesting historical backdrop to the DDC. In psychiatric
hospital practise in the 1950s depression was a relatively rare disorder
and there was no concept of a specifically antidepressant drug as opposed
to a general stimulant. When antidepressant action of certain compounds
was first proposed drug companies were initially reluctant to develop and
launch such drugs. In an unconscious alliance of interests, influential
psychiatrists developed and popularised the view of depression as a common
biologically based disorder, amenable to drug treatment and as yet frequently
unrecognised. This concept had the dual benefits of vastly expanding the
market for psychiatric drugs and extending the boundaries of psychiatry
outside the asylum. Since this time the psychiatric profession and the
drug industry have continued to try and inculcate this idea into the consciousness
of both the general public and other doctors. The DDC is the latest offensive.
Numerous biochemical mechanisms responsible for depressive illness have
been proposed implicating a variety of biochemical and hormonal mechanisms,
partly determined by fashion. The evidence for all these theories has been
inconsistent and the consensus about the efficacy of antidepressant drugs
remains the strongest support for the thesis that depression is a physiological
condition. Perusing the psychiatric literature indicates that this consensus
developed in the mid 1970s based on evidence from randomised controlled
trials of the original and still widely used antidepressants, the tricyclics.
However, early reviews of this evidence portray an ambiguous situation
with a large proportion of trials failing to find a positive effect. In
addition, more recently some researchers have suggested that antidepressants
are not specifically active against depression but merely exert a placebo
effect in a receptive condition . They appear to perform better than an
inert placebo because their side effects increase their suggestive power
and may admit bias into the assessment procedure by enabling investigators
to guess whether patients are on the active drug or the placebo. A recent
meta-analysis of placebo controlled trials of prozac found that the likelihood
of recovery was indeed associated with experiencing side effects . A review
of seven studies which used an active substance as a placebo to mimic antidepressant
side effects found that only one showed the drug to be superior.
Variation in mood is a characteristically human way of responding to
circumstances but unhappiness has become taboo in the late 20th century,
perhaps because it undermines the image that society wishes to project.
Medicalisation diminishes the legitimacy of grief and discontent and therefore
reduces the repertoire of acceptable human responses to events and denies
people the opportunity to indulge their feelings. At the same time it diverts
attention away from the political and environmental factors that can make
modern life so difficult and distressing. It may be no co-incidence that
the concept of depression has reached its present peak of popularity in
western societies reeling from two decades of economic events and political
policies which have been blamed for increased unemployment and marginalisation
of a substantial section of the population.
However, it is also important to acknowledge that people have different
propensities to experience intense moods and that, for those at the extremes
of this spectrum, such as those with manic depressive disorder, life can
be very difficult. Prophylactic medication is promoted by psychiatrists
for long-term use in this condition primarily in the form of lithium. However,
in a similar way to antidepressants, claims of the efficacy of lithium
seem to have been based on insubstantial evidence and follow up studies
of people with manic depression do not indicate that it has improved the
outlook of the condition. It is possible therefore that prophylactic drug
treatment constitutes a false hope held out to people who feel desperate,
by a profession that feels helpless. But it may only further undermine
the self assurance of people who are already vulnerable. Instead of aspiring
to complete cure, natural remission of episodes should be encouraged by
providing care and security, and attempts should be made to enhance people's
confidence in their own ability to manage or survive their condition.
Schizophrenia: disguising social control
The enormous investment in the investigation of the biological basis
of schizophrenia has produced no conclusive information. Decades of increasingly
sophisticated technological research has revealed a possible weak genetic
predisposition, often much exaggerated by psychiatric commentators who
ignore the shortcomings of the main studies . Molecular genetic studies
have publicised initial findings implicating several different genes which
then transpired to be due to chance when attempts at replication failed.
The most recent pan European study boldly concludes that the genetic associations
revealed are involved in the pathogenesis of the disorder. However, the
gene implicated is common in the general population, it is only slightly
more common in people diagnosed with schizophrenia and the similarity of
the comparison group in this study was ensured only for ethnicity and not
for other factors. As regards brain function and anatomy, the only consistent
finding is the larger size of the lateral ventricle, one of the brain cavities,
in people with schizophrenia. Again there is a substantial overlap with
the 'normal' population and most studies have been conducted on people
with long histories of drug treatment. However, the possibility that drugs
may be responsible for causing the brain abnormalities observed has received
little attention in the psychiatric literature .
Drugs variously termed 'major tranquillisers,' 'neuroleptics' or 'antipsychotics'
form the mainstay of psychiatric treatment for schizophrenia. They have
been claimed to have specific action against psychotic symptoms such as
delusions and hallucinations, but critics suggest that they act in a much
cruder way by producing a chemical lobotomy or straight jacket which inhibits
all creative thought processes . Psychiatry applauds the role of these
drugs in emptying the asylums but an alternative perspective suggests that
they merely helped to replace expensive custodial care with long-term drug-induced
control.
A consequence of the move towards community care is that public and
political anxiety has replaced the concern for patients rights with concern
for protection of the community and psychiatric treatment has become the
panacea for this complex social problem. In response to a few highly publicised
cases of violent or dangerous acts by former psychiatric patients, amendments
were made to the Mental Health Act (1983) which came into force in April
1996 and which introduce a power of 'supervised discharge.' This power
enables psychiatric personnel to have access to the patient if deemed necessary
and to enforce attendance at psychiatric facilities. It does not confer
the right to enforce medical treatment but it does require that an assessment
for admission to hospital be conducted if the patient is uncompliant with
aftercare arrangements such as refusing medication. The justification for
this legislation is the assumption that medical treatment can cure disturbance
and prevent relapse. However the evidence indicates that a substantial
proportion of people with a psychotic episode fail to respond to medication
at all, a further significant proportion relapse despite taking long-term
medication (in clinical trials the relapse rates on medication is around
30% ) and, like other people, they may behave antisocially when they are
not actively psychotic.
The social control element of the changes to the Mental Health Act is
only thinly veiled and they have been strongly opposed by civil and patients
rights groups. Their significance lies in the introduction of a new precedent
of control over people after discharge from hospital. The use of the former
1983 Mental Health Act for these purposes was successfully challenged in
the courts in the 1980s. The exact form of the new provisions when implemented
is uncertain and is likely to vary according to the predisposition of local
professionals. Although there is much unease among psychiatrists about
shouldering increased responsibility for the actions of people labelled
mentally ill, many in the profession have called for stronger powers to
enforce medical treatment in the community.
The medical model of mental illness has facilitated the move towards
greater restriction by cloaking it under the mantle of treatment. This
process of medicalisation of deviant behaviour conceals complex political
issues about the tolerance of diversity, the control of disruptive behaviour
and the management of dependency. It enables a society that professes liberal
values and individualism to impose and re-inforce conformity. It disguises
the economics of a system in which human labour is valued only for the
profit it can generate, marginalising all those who are not fit or not
willing to be so exploited.
Characterisation of schizophrenia as a physically based disease of the
brain also forecloses any debate about the meaning of the experiences and
actions associated with it. Attempts to render schizophrenic symptoms intelligible
and to understand their communicative value help both to illuminate ordinary
experience and to increase empathy for people with this condition. Other
interesting findings point to the association of schizophrenia with features
of social structure. Nothing resembling schizophrenia was described prior
to the early 19th century, suggesting an association with the emergence
of industrial capitalism. In modern societies schizophrenia is more frequently
diagnosed in urban centres, among people of lower social class and in certain
immigrant groups when compared to their country of origin, particularly
second generation afro-Caribbean people in the UK. Research in the third
world has shown that people with schizophrenia have a better prognosis
with a lower chance of relapse and functional decline than their counterparts
in the developed world . It appears therefore that social conditions play
a part in determining the expression of schizophrenic symptoms and so schizophrenia
may be regarded as a mirror on the deficiencies of the current social structure.
Tolerance of the diversity of human lives and a respect for the autonomy
of all must be the foundation of a progressive alternative approach. Enhancing
people's control over their lives means providing genuine choices and opportunities
for people of all different propensities. It means creating a society where
there are niches available that allow a diversity of lifestyles. It involves
accepting that some people may chose to lead lives that appear bizarre
or impoverished. Although some people with schizophrenia will find drug
treatment useful, psychiatrists frequent complaints about non compliance
illustrate that many chose not to take medication. Similarly, some people
with chronic mental illness gravitate away from the structured, rehabilitating
environment of the mental health services to homeless hostels and to the
streets. It is commonplace to blame the underfunding of community care
for this phenomena but research has found that most of the homeless psychiatrically
ill had not come straight from closing hospitals but had been settled in
adequate community accommodation before drifting away . An alternative
explanation might be that the long-term mentally ill prefer the undemanding
nature of the homeless situation to the intrusive demands of family, community
and mental health services.
The management of disruptive and dangerous behaviour is a problem for
every society. Involuntary confinement and treatment continue to be a major
area of contention with opposition emphasising the need to respect people's
autonomy and opposing the imposition of a relative set of values about
what is normal and sane. It is argued that it should be possible to deal
with behaviour that is genuinely harming or harassing other people using
normal legal sanctions. It is an area which requires further and wider
consideration. Whatever solution is adopted, it must be developed
openly and democratically, with proper provision for representation and
public scrutiny, so that measures taken can not be subverted to serve the
ends of certain groups above others.
Conclusion
Despite the political and professional retrenchment of recent years,
there are many developments which presage the ultimate transformation of
the psychiatric system. The burgeoning patients rights movement and the
anti-psychiatry critique are some of these. Rejection of paternalism is
also embodied in the increasingly important role of consumers in medicine
in general and the demand for justification of treatments and involvement
in decision making. The medical profession is also placing more emphasis
on objective evidence about the effectiveness of procedures and showing
less inclination to support the principle of clinical freedom. Many individual
psychiatrists are aware of the political conflicts that beset their practice
and try to address these thoughtfully and with respect for their patients
and philosophical debate, which inevitable touches on political issues,
is flourishing within the profession at present. It is unlikely however
that psychiatry will be radically transformed without profound social and
political change. The control of deviance and the enforcement of conformity
are too central to the smooth functioning of the divisive and exploitative
social system in which we live.
Updates: 13062001, 20042007