THE SHOCK!: War In Korea?

By J. Adams
May 5th, 1997

6/19 UPDATE

Spirit Of Truth Stock Market Update Unreported Truth

UPDATES: 4/29 | 4/29 | 3/30 | 3/18 | 3/13 | 3/7 | 3/5 | 2/18 | 2/14

PARALLELS WITH 1994 - 4/2
INEFFICIENT MARKET HYPOTHESIS - 3/31

                -A Note On the Irrationality of Greed-

                               J. Adams
                             May 5th, 1997

    Well,  I had predicted the  stock  market  would  crash  into  the 
Fibonacii  55th after the March 11th record high in the DJIA near 7100 
and bet accordingly.  I got what I deserved.  Today, May 5th, the DJIA 
broke into new record high territory in  literally  panic-buying-  the 
day  I  was expecting an '87-style selling climax.  In other words,  I 
was perfectly wrong.  So be it.  Greed and arrogance,  whether my  own 
or  that  of  others,  is  always  duly  rewarded  with  an  upset  of 
expectations.  

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                       THE SHOCK!!!: KOREA???!!!

                               J. Adams
                             May 5th, 1997

    What  are  the  consequences   of   Western   greed?   Well,   the 
consequences  are  probably  what Western society least expects at the 
current  time  since  investors  and  people  in  general  are  almost 
completely self-deceived.  This, after all, is what a Grand Supercycle 
peak  in  stock  prices  represents:  completely irrational collective 
expectations where Western greed  is  most  concentrated,  i.e.,  Wall 
Street.  

    Unfortunately,  however,  a likely consequence of Western greed is 
that  other  countries  around  the  world that may be deemed relative 
have-nots are going to become thoroughly pissed-off over the years and 
decades and eventually build-up the means and find the most  strategic 
way  to  wipe the wealthy nations off the face of the earth.  In other 
words,  somewhere down the  road  the  West  will  fall  victim  to  a 
collective  explosion  of  anger  against  iniquity  by  the have-nots 
against the haves.  
    So now,  when we may be facing a Grand Supercycle crash,  there is 
reason to believe that the Cold War "of old" between the communism  of 
the  East  and  Capitalism  of the West is going to unexpectedly erupt 
into a Hot War of global destruction.  

                From where might this explosion ignite?  

    I'm admittedly unsure on this point, but one possibility on top of 
the threat of a global war starting in the Middle East is war starting 
in the Far East- i.e., on the divided Korean Peninsula where the final 
battle line between  Communism  and  Capitalism,  East  and  West,  is 
believed  to  be  drawn  between  Communist North Korea and Capitalist 
South Korea.  Furthermore,  this has become a symbolic focal point  of 
the  division  between  the haves and the have-nots,  the rich and the 
poor, the well-fed and the hungry.  
    As I have mentioned before,  there is  reason  to  believe  Moscow 
would want Korea ignited prior to or at  the  time  of  having  a  war 
unleashed  in the Middle East since this will divert a sizable portion 
of U.S.  military might into the Far East so that Washington  will  be 
unable to come to the defense of the Jewish homeland of Israel.  
    Furthermore,  given  Moscow's recent "public" befriending of China 
with the recent  agreement  signed  between  Moscow  and  Beijing,  it 
appears  the  stage  has been set for application of the "One Clenched 
Fist" strategy in which the deceptive split between Russia  and  China 
(see  the  work of Anatoliy Golitsyn) would end so that the two powers 
could come together for  a  sudden,  overwhelming  military  onslaught 
against  the West at the appropriate time.  This time appear now to be 
at hand.  
    Accordingly,  war between East and West  might  now  erupt  and  a 
potential  trigger-point  for this is the Korean Peninsula where North 
Korea is putting finishing touches on its preparations for an  attack.  
First off,  with the recent strategic, misleading defection of the top 
North  Korean  official,  Hwang  Jang-Yop,  North  Korea  has  infused 
alarming,  seemingly  credible intelligence (i.e.,  possible strategic 
disinformation) to South Korea that has created uncertainty  in  South 
Korea,  Japan  and  the U.S.  about the military capabilities of North 
Korea- particularly in terms of striking South Korea  and  Japan  with 
nuclear  and chemical weapons.  In this way,  Japan and other regional 
U.S.  allies  may  be  hesitant  and/or unwilling to help the U.S.  in 
repulsing a North Korean overrun of South Korea,  and the U.S.  may be 
hesitant or unwilling to use tactical nuclear weapons in response to a 
successful  North  Korean invasion.  Secondly,  in recent weeks,  U.S.  
satellites have noted that black-outs are spreading across North Korea 
seemingly because of low fuel  supplies  for  generating  electricity.  
However,  this  is  also a useful cover for the black-out of the North 
Korean countryside that will likely be necessary at the time the North 
executes its invasion plans.  

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                       WHAT NORTH KOREA'S UP TO!

                               J. Adams
                          February 18th, 1997

                
Recent news articles raise some interesting questions about the newest 
North Korean defection crisis: 

1.  Given that the defector Hwang Chang-yop developed the North Korean 
philosophy of "Juche", or self-reliance,  why was he sent on a mission 
to  elicit help,  particularly in the form of food-aid,  from Japan- a 
country considered by North Koreans  to  be  an  ultimate  imperialist 
enemy?  

2.  Why didn't Hwang defect in Japan- where he was  for  a  couple  of 
weeks  prior to stopping by China- instead of Beijing,  since China is 
closely allied with Pyongyang and could send him back to North Korea?  

3.  If Hwang was closely surrounded by North Korean agents in Japan to 
stop him from defecting,  why was he able to casually jump into a taxi 
in  Beijing  and  drive to the South Korean embassy?  And if the North 
Korean leadership was aware Hwang Chang-yop might defect, why did they 
send him on an trip to Japan and China where he could  seek  political 
asylum and thereby create a dangerous political crisis in Pyongyang?  

4.  If Hwang knows there are tens of thousands of N.  Korean agents in 
South Korea that had infiltrated the South Korean political,  military 
and intelligence establishments to a high level, why did he reveal his 
intent to defect to South Korean contacts for upwards of a year before 
actually   attempting   to   defect?   Wouldn't   he  realize  he  was 
jeaporadizing  his  chances  of  success  or  of  even  receiving   an 
opportunity to defect?  

5.  Is  it  a  coincidence  that the newest Korean defection crisis is 
occurring at the time of the  most  important  North  Korean  holiday- 
i.e.,  the birthday of Kim Jong-Il,  and at a time that Chinese leader 
Deng Xiaoping appears to be on his death-bed?  

6. What was Hwang's meetings with Vladimir Zhirinovsky in 1994 and the 
Central Committee of the Soviet Union  under  Gorbachev  in  1987  all 
about?  

                     So what is North Korea up to?  

    Clearly  the  defection of the North Korean Communist leader Hwang 
Chang-yop makes little sense.  Indeed,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that,  in reality, Hwang Chang-yop, the Communist leader who developed 
the  North  Korean  philosophy  of  Juche  that  emphasizes   complete 
obedience of North Korea's leader,  is defecting because he is obeying 
the orders  of  his  "Dear  Leader"  Kim  Jong-Il.  The  circumstances 
surrounding  the  defection suggest the defection is being staged (and 
rather sloppily  at  that),  i.e.,  this  top  Communist  official  is 
attempting  to  defect  to  South  Korea as part of some sort of North 
Korean plan.  

                     And what is Pyongyang's plan?

    As  I  have  long  been  warning,  North  Korea is preparing for a 
massive invasion of South Korea.  Final  preparations  may  have  been 
completed  during  the  past couple of months.  If so,  then the North 
might  be  planning to attack the South before spring thaw since right 
now rivers and rice paddies along the DMZ are frozen such  that  North 
Korean  tanks  and tracked vehicles can manuever off roads and thereby 
most easily roll into South Korea (see "Weather Factors" in  the  1994 
U.S.  News and World Report article,  "The  Most  Dangerous  Place  On 
Earth", 6/20/94).  
    North Korea's most recent war preparations are overviewed  in  the 
following  excerpt  from  a February 16th Toronto Sun article,  'North 
Korean Kettle Threatens to Boil Over', written by Eric Margolis: 

       The North has backed up (recent) threats by steadily moving 
    combat  forces towards the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) separating 
    the two Koreas.  Since December (1996), Pyongyang has deployed 
    100 MiG fighter-bombers to hardened air bases 20-30  km  north 
    of  the  DMZ.  These aircraft can reach South Korea's capital, 
    Seoul,  six minutes after takeoff,  and are clearly positioned 
    for surprise attack.  
         North  Korea  has  also been beefing up its ground forces 
    near the  DMZ.  Late  last  year  (1996),  it  created  a  new 
    mechanized  corp  tasked with striking down South Korea's east 
    coast.  New 170mm self-propelled guns have been deployed  just 
    north  of  the  DMZ,  from  where they can hit Seoul.  Equally 
    alarming,  the North continues  to  add  new  AN-30  transport 
    aircraft  to  its growing fleet of 300.  Each of these fabric-
    bodied planes,  almost invisible to radar,  carry 13 commandos 
    whose  mission  is  to  deliver surprise,  suicide assaults on 
    South Korean and U.  S.  airbases.  North  Korea  has  between 
    88,000  and  100,000  commandos,  the  world's largest special 
    warfare corps.  
       South Korean intelligence reports the North  has  at  least 
    two  plutonium  nuclear  weapons and is close to deploying new 
    Rodong-1 missiles, capable of delivering nuclear, chemical and 
    biological warheads  to  South  Korea,  Okinawa,  and  western 
    Japan.  
       Much  of  the food aid recently delivered to North Korea by 
    the U.S.,  South Korea,  Japan and international organizations 
    has  been  diverted  to  the  North  Korean  military,   which 
    continues to build vast warstocks of food, fuel and munitions.  
    As so often in Asia, soldiers eat while peasants starve.  

    Given these potentially final preparatory steps,  all North  Korea 
needs to launch an attack is some sort of pretext.  This might explain 
Hwang Jang-yop's recent defection in Beijing.  The defection of such a 
high-level  North Korean Communist Party leader creates the image that 
the political hierarchy in Pyonyang is crumbling  and  could  implode.  
Consequently,  a  military explosion is now believed to be possible in 
the form of North Korea lashing out militarily against the South. That 
such a danger is perceived is reflected by  how  South  Korean  forces 
have been placed on alert since the defection crisis began last week.  
    The reason the potential for North Korea to unleash an  attack  on 
the  South  is  coinciding  with the potential death of Chinese leader 
Deng  Xiaoping  is  likely  because  what  is  being  planned  between 
Pyongyang, Beijing, and, most importantly, Moscow, is a major regional 
conflict in East Asia.  Thus,  if a second Korean War erupts at a time 
of some sort of power struggle in China,  the rise of a more militant, 
nationalist  Communist  leadership  in Beijing can be staged such that 
American efforts to militarily defend South  Korea  from  North  Korea 
aggression will entail a confrontation between  the  U.S.  and  China.  
This,  in turn,  could be associated with a future Chinese invasion of 
Taiwan and an outbreak of a regional East Asian  conflict  that  would 
completely  tie-up  American  military forces in a distant part of the 
world (of course,  just a second Korean War is sufficient for tying up 
a good portion of U.S. military forces in East Asia).  

    Importantly,  the ulterior motive of future East Asian conflict is 
to open the way for a war in the  Middle  East.  As  explained  in  my 
"Korean Diversion" articles,  with the Korean War in the early-1950's, 
Washington  was worried Moscow,  who had ordered North Korea to invade 
the South,  was seeking to divert U.S.  forces into East Asia so  that 
America would have difficulty defending Europe from a Soviet invasion.  
Similarly,  Moscow is likely seeking now to have North Korea, possibly 
with Chinese-backing,  invade South  Korea  and  precipitate  a  major 
conflict in East Asia that will draw in a huge amount of U.S. military 
forces.  Because  U.S.  forces  will be tied-up in East Asia,  America 
will be unable to come to the defense of Israel and the Middle East in 
the event of an Arab/Russian onslaught.  

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              "No agreement on food aid at Korean talks"
                By JOHN LEICESTER, The Associated Press 

BEIJING (May 5, 1997 2:32 p.m. EDT) -- Even the threat of famine could 
not  get  Red  Cross  officials  from  the  rival  Koreas  to  resolve 
logistical problems about delivering South  Korean  food  aid  to  the 
Communist North.  

The  North  Koreans  refused Monday to discuss ways to transport South 
Korean food aid after Seoul  would  not  say  how  much  it  plans  to 
deliver.  

But,  at  the  end of their first talks in nearly five years,  the Red 
Cross officials did agree to meet again.  

Aid workers fear mass starvation if large-scale food relief  does  not 
reach  North  Korea  soon.  Floods  devastated  the  reclusive state's 
harvests in the last two years,  pushing its  faltering  economy  into 
ruin.  

However,  the  Red Cross chapters in North and South Korea are closely 
allied with their governments  and  political  tensions  have  stymied 
previous talks.  

The  two sides met for two hours Saturday and again Monday in Beijing, 
but the South Koreans never proposed an  amount  or  a  time  for  aid 
deliveries, the North Koreans said.  

"I expected they would have something in their hands to deliver to us, 
but  when  we arrived and met together,  I came to know that they came 
with no firm pledge," said Paek Yong Ho,  head of the North Korean Red 
Cross.  

"Without  knowing  the  quantity  and  the timing,  how can we discuss 
transportation of relief goods?" he said.  

The South Koreans said they would provide aid but could  not  say  how 
much because that depended on public donations.  

Saying  they  wanted  food  to  reach  North  Korea  "efficiently  and 
promptly," the South Koreans sought to discuss  detailed  methods  for 
delivering  aid,  but  the North Koreans refused,  said Chang Moon-ik, 
spokesman for the South Korean Embassy in Beijing.  

Still,  the two sides "are very keen on meeting very soon again,"  Red 
Cross  official  Lasse  Norgaard  said.  Negotiators were returning to 
their respective capitals Tuesday for consultations.  No date was  set 
for the next talks.  

Johan  Schaar of the international Red Cross said the South Korean Red 
Cross wants aid marked to show it came from South Korea and to monitor 
its distribution -- proposals that are difficult for  North  Korea  to 
accept.  

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               "US sees dire conditions in North Korea"
                       Sunday May 4 3:10 AM EDT 

WASHINGTON,  May 4 (UPI) _ A published report says that North  Korea's 
famine is much worse than previously thought.  

The  Sunday  Times of London cites U.S.  officials and aid agencies as 
saying that children are starving in the capital and there are growing 
fears that the hard-line  Stalinist  country  may  launch  a  military 
venture to distract attention from food shortages.  

The  newspaper  says  satellite  photos  and  information from Chinese 
traders in North Korea indicated famine is wiping out entire villages.  

A group of U.S.  congressman who traveled to North  Korea  last  month 
indicated conditions were worse than previously thought. They reported 
seeing starving children in Pyongyang, the capital.  

The  Sunday Times quotes World Food Program director Catherine Bertini 
as saying,  ``If the situation remains unchecked,  we could be looking 
at one of the biggest humanitarian disasters of our lifetime.'' 

North   Korea,   which   remains  virtually  isolated,   has  suffered 
devastating floods in recent years.  

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                            The Toronto Sun
                  May  4, 1997, Sunday, Final EDITION

       "WILL NORTH  KOREA  LIGHT THE FUSE ON KOREAN POWDER KEG?;
       UNSTABLE REGIME ARMED WITH NUCLEAR AND CHEMICAL WEAPONS"

                           BY ERIC MARGOLIS

   "North Korea is capable of turning South Korea into a sea of flames 
and can completely annihilate the  South  with  nuclear  and  chemical 
weapons and missiles.  

   "If the U.S. uses its bases in Japan to support a war on the Korean 
peninsula,  North Korea will attack and destroy Japan with nuclear and 
chemical weapons." 

   So states North Korea's former ideology chief, Hwang Jang Yop,  who 
recently  became  the  highest  ranking defector ever from the world's 
most isolated, bizarre and dangerous nation.  

   As famine spreads among North Korea's 22 million people,  risks  of 
another  major  conflict in Korea are higher today than any time since 
May,  1994,  when war nearly erupted over the North's  secret  nuclear 
program.  

   I  was  with  the  1st  Republic  of Korea (ROK) Division up on the 
Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) separating the two Koreas that dangerous  May 
in  1994  --  and  beneath  the  DMZ  in  deep tunnels bored under ROK 
defences by North Korean sappers.  The tension  was  electric  as  1.8 
million  heavily  armed  Korean  soldiers  on both sides -- and 37,000 
Americans -- went onto maximum combat alert.  

   North Korea's brinkmanship paid off.  An outbluffed U.S.  President 
Bill  Clinton  backed  down,  opting to bribe rather than confront the 
North.  The price:  two nuclear reactors, food and oil,  all for free. 
The North's nuclear threat was to be simply ignored.  

   Three  years later,  North Korea is on the verge of collapse.  U.S. 
nighttime recon photos show lights going out all over North  Korea  as 
power supplies dwindle.  

   But  the  1.1-million  man  armed forces,  government officials and 
Communist party cadres are amply provisioned.  Most foreign  food  aid 
is diverted to military warehouses; the armed forces have at least 90-
day  supplies  of  oil and enough spare parts to fight for six months. 
"Starving" North Korea just refused rice from Vietnam.  

   China supplies oil to North Korea.  Pyongyang gleans hard  currency 
by  counterfeiting,  drug dealing,  and from gambling parlors in Japan 
run by ethnic Korean mobsters.  

   But time seems to  be  running  out  for  the  North's  Stalinists. 
Defector  Hwang  Jang  Yop  and  U.S.  military intelligence say North 
Korea's regime,  led by Kim Jong Il,  may decide to make the  ultimate 
gamble  by  jumping  ship  from  the  sinking North and invading South 
Korea.  North Korean generals believe they can conquer South Korea  in 
a high-intensity, 20-day campaign.  

   Two  hundred  Scud-B and Frog missiles with chemical warheads would 
blanket the 10 air bases used by the South Korean and U.S. air forces. 
North Korea's large but antiquated air force would be  thrown  against 
these  key  targets  in  a  suicide  mission.  The North's 100,000-man 
commando force,  the world's  largest,  would  attack  air  bases  and 
command  hubs  from  the  sea,  and  from  low-flying  AN-2 transports 
invisible to radar.  

   Under firecover from 10,000 heavy guns and rocket  batteries  along 
the  DMZ,  four  North  Korean  mechanized and one armored corps would 
attack south,  possibly using nuclear weapons and chemicals to  breach 
South  Korea's  version  of the Maginot Line:  three belts of parallel 
fortifications, Alpha, Bravo and Charlie, just south of the DMZ. North 
Korean mobile forces would race down the Munsan  and  Chowan  Valleys, 
masking  Seoul.  By  day  20,  Northern  forces  would capture the key 
southern port of Pusan, 240 miles south of their start line.  

   Reinforcing Korea with heavy mechanized and armor  divisions  could 
take the U.S. up to six months. The only units available for immediate 
intervention  are the lightly armed 82nd Airborne Division at Ft.Bragg 
and the 9th Marine Brigade at Okinawa.  

   U.S.  bases in Japan and Okinawa would likely come under attack  by 
North  Korean  missiles  and  commando  assaults.  The  North  has six 
operational Nodong-1 missiles.  These 1,000-km range missiles can  hit 
much of Japan and Okinawa with chemical or nuclear warheads.  

   U.S. intelligence believes the North has at least three operational 
nuclear  plutonium  warheads.  A  North Korean nuclear strike on Japan 
would neutralize U.S.  bases there that are vital to  the  defence  of 
Korea  --  and inflict millions of casualties on Japan.  The North may 
already have infiltrated a nuclear device into Japan by submarine.  

   The U.S. and Japan don't want to face these mounting dangers.  They 
keep  pressing ahead with so far fruitless four-way talks with the two 
Koreas, and continue efforts to bribe the North into good behavior.  

   North Korea has succeeded in its  strategy  of  keeping  itself  in 
power  by  extorting  aid  from  the  U.S.,  Japan  and South Korea by 
threatening war,  and in driving a diplomatic wedge between  the  U.S. 
and South Korea.  

   Clinton  is propping up North Korea's loathesome regime rather than 
facing it down -- a remarkable contrast to Washington's demolition and 
ongoing punishment of Iraq.  

    Korea's dangers are hard to overestimate.  There  is  no  weirder, 
more  frightening  or more seemingly demented regime in the world than 
the one in Pyongyang. The only regime of equal hideousness this writer 
has ever seen was dictator Enver Hoxah's  hellish  Stalinist  Albania. 
Both tyrannies were characterized by extreme paranoia, deep delusions, 
self-enforced isolation and spasms of violence.  

   Forty-five million South Koreans,  125 million Japanese, and 37,000 
Americans live under daily threat of nuclear, chemical or conventional 
attack by a lunatic regime run by shadowy men who seem a cross between 
savage Mongols and modern gangsters.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                          The Washington Post
                 May  04, 1997, Sunday, Final Edition

                  "A WAR SCENARIO; Korean Cataclysm"

                           By Lonnie Henley

   If North Korea attacked the South, the ensuing war would be intense 
and bloody,  with high casualties on both sides and  heavy  damage  to 
South  Korea's  economic  infrastructure.  It  is unlikely North Korea 
would prevail, however,  unless it were able to make quick territorial 
gains  and  then persuade its opponents to accept a cease-fire.  While 
the conflict could continue for months,  North Korea's fate depends on 
the first couple of weeks. Such a war is not likely, in the opinion of 
most analysts, but it remains a serious worst-case possibility.  

   Although  North  Korea  has one of the largest armies in the world, 
its  military advantage has eroded since the 1980s,  primarily because 
of South Korea's booming economy.  From near-parity with the North  in 
1981,  the  South's  defense  budget  tripled  by 1995.  North Korea's 
defense spending has remained roughly constant in a shrinking  economy 
-- now at 25 percent of the total.  The country has been badly hurt by 
the fall of the Soviet Union,  bringing  an  end  to  discounted  arms 
sales, and less-generous Chinese aid.  

   Meanwhile,  the modernization of U.S.  and Republic of Korea forces 
has significantly increased the capabilities of their Combined  Forces 
Command (CFC).  

   North  Korea retains several advantages.  It has more soldiers than 
the CFC;  the troops are positioned close to  the  Demilitarized  Zone 
(DMZ) between the two countries, minimizing their preparation time for 
an  attack;  the  army  has  invested  heavily in artillery firepower, 
including  long-range  systems  that  can  reach  across  the   entire 
battlefield and into Seoul itself. North Korea has the world's largest 
contingent  of special operations forces,  some 70,000 personnel.  And 
its economy and society  function  on  what  amounts  to  a  permanent 
wartime  footing.  In a population of 24 million,  more than 1 million 
are active duty military -- nearly 30 percent of all males ages 13  to 
32  --  and  another  900,000 are in organized reserve units or public 
security units.  

   In the long run, South Korean-U.S. advantages are more important: a 
strong defensive position;  a world-class regional air force backed by 
the strategic might of the entire U.S. Air Force; near-total dominance 
of   the   seas;    precision   firepower;    better   training;   and 
economic/industrial resources that are near-infinite in comparison.  

   The level of Pyongyang's success,  if any,  would depend largely on 
how the war started. If the North went for maximum surprise, attacking 
with little overt preparation in a time of moderate tensions, it might 
be  able  to  catch  CFC  forces  in  garrison and its aircraft on the 
ground. North Korea arguably is better prepared to carry out a massive 
surprise attack than any country in the world; its front-line infantry 
and artillery units are positioned forward to attack right now, as are 
supplies of ammunition, fuel, etc., to sustain the attack.  

   The First Day 

   North Korea's first action,  shortly before  the  shooting  starts, 
would be to insert hundreds of special operations teams into the South 
to attack command centers,  communications nodes, choke points, supply 
depots, airfields, air defense systems and other critical targets. The 
teams  enter  by  a  bewildering  variety  of  means  --   submarines, 
hovercraft,  small planes,  helicopters,  tunnels,  rubber rafts, hang 
gliders,  fishing boats,  even international commercial flights.  Once 
inserted,  however,  they  move  on foot in hostile territory --though 
they are capable of creating substantial destruction.  

   The  shooting  erupts  with  an  enormous  artillery  barrage  from 
thousands  of tubes deployed just north of the DMZ.  With systems that 
can hit targets at more than 50  kilometers,  this  barrage  of  high-
explosive  shells rains simultaneously on headquarters,  supply depots 
and transportation centers all the way from the DMZ to downtown Seoul. 
Supplementing the conventional artillery are dozens of  Scud  missiles 
launched at high-value targets,  possibly with chemical warheads.  The 
city of Seoul and its 10.8 million people would quickly be in a panic.  

   At the same time,  fighters and bombers streak farther south to hit 
key  airfields.  Most  of  the planes are obsolescent 1950s-technology 
jets whose only hope of success is to strike while  CFC  aircraft  are 
still on the ground.  

   Under  artillery  cover,  the  four forward-deployed infantry corps 
consisting of 300,000 men pour across the DMZ to attack the first line 
of defense.  These corps are  predominantly  infantry  on  foot,  with 
limited  support from tanks and armored personnel carriers.  The South 
Korean divisions manning the front line have had 40 years to  dig  in, 
and  this is only the first of a series of defensive lines arrayed for 
50 kilometers between the DMZ and Seoul.  Impressive  to  view,  these 
lines feature massive walls across valley floors,  anti-tank obstacles 
in the riverbeds,  highly  fortified  fighting  positions,  and  other 
obstacles  to  channel  the enemy into pre-planned killing zones.  The 
terrain is also very rugged,  and favors the defense -- picture trying 
to  storm  through  the  mountains  of West Virginia.  The constricted 
terrain allows only a few narrow corridors leading toward  Seoul.  The 
fight  to  hold  these lines will be long and bloody,  and will be the 
major event of the ground campaign.  The  North  can  be  expected  to 
sustain horrific casualties -- 150,000 or more -- but because of their 
substantial numbers, they could likely take some ground.  

   The First Week 

   The  air  superiority battle begins as soon as CFC fighters get off 
the ground,  and lasts a few days at most.  The North has only  a  few 
fighter  planes  and air-to-air missiles comparable to U.S.  and South 
Korean systems;  even more important  is  the  mismatch  in  training, 
tactics and support between the two sides.  As soon as air superiority 
is won, the air force will attack air defense systems, followed by the 
systematic demolition of the North  Korean  infrastructure  supporting 
the  war -- roads,  bridges,  command centers,  communications assets, 
supply depots.  

   The initial naval battle is even shorter.  North  Korea's  navy  is 
primarily  a  coastal  defense  force.  It  has about two dozen attack 
submarines trying to interdict  the  flow  of  U.S.  forces  into  the 
peninsula;  destroying  those subs will keep the U.S.  Navy busy for a 
few days. Otherwise, the U.S. fleet is on the offensive, launching air 
and missile strikes against the mainland.  

   The ground battle centers around how  far  the  North's  front-line 
corps  can penetrate before they are exhausted,  and around the battle 
between the opposing artillery forces. North Korea uses its long-range 
systems  to  accomplish  what  the  South  is  doing  with   aircraft: 
destruction of transportation hubs and logistical centers,  disruption 
of command and control,  attrition of second-echelon forces.  The  CFC 
seeks  to  use  the  superior  speed,  accuracy and target-acquisition 
capabilities of its artillery to destroy much of the North's artillery 
force, and shift the balance of fire support in favor of the allies.  

   The Second Week 

   Whether this is a long war or a short one will probably be  decided 
in the second week.  The key issue is whether the North Korean second-
echelon forces can reach the battlefield intact,  and whether they can 
force a penetration all the way to Seoul.  The second echelon consists 
primarily of two mechanized corps and one armored corps (75,000  men), 
home  based  20 to 50 kilometers north of the DMZ.  ("Mechanized" is a 
bit of a misnomer,  as they are primarily of truck-mounted  infantry.) 
Allied air will mount a major effort to prevent these units getting to 
the  battlefield  intact  by  blocking roads and trying to destroy the 
columns.  If the second echelon does reach the battlefield,  they will 
take  over the attack and try to press through the remaining defensive 
lines protecting Seoul.  At this point,  the bulk of CFC ground forces 
are committed in defensive battles and counterattacks to push back the 
penetration.   There  would  not  be  time  for  deployment  of  major 
reinforcements from the United States, unless the war had grown from a 
long period of tension and the reinforcements were already in place.  

   The Rest of the War

   If North Korean forces reach Seoul,  they must try to bypass it and 
drive south as quickly as possible. There is no way the North's forces 
could avoid being hopelessly bogged down if they try to take the city. 
The  only  hope  Pyongyang  has  for  success in this war is to end it 
before the rest of the U.S.  Army comes storming  in.  If  the  second 
echelon reaches Seoul,  the third echelon -- two more mechanized corps 
from farther north -- will pass through and rush for the city of Pusan 
in a repetition of June-July 1950. That would give the North temporary 
control of the peninsula, though several hundred thousand South Korean 
regulars and a million reservists would soon  counterattack  to  expel 
the invaders.  

   It  is  extremely unlikely that the North could achieve this degree 
of success given the realities of the 1990s.  The North's 1950 success 
depended  on  the  gross  imbalance  of capabilities between North and 
South,  the  absence  of  U.S.   forces  on  the  peninsula,  and  the 
comparatively  slow  arrival  of U.S.  reinforcements.  The balance is 
firmly in Seoul's favor now.  

   In the event of war,  the most likely outcome by far is that allied 
forces  would stall the North Korean army north of Seoul,  probably at 
great cost, but without any real danger that the enemy could reach the 
capital.  (Casualties would be very high;  if Pyongyang's troops  were 
not  willing  to fight,  the war would not happen in the first place.) 
After the allies regroup,  while continuing  to  punish  North  Korean 
forces  throughout  the  peninsula,  the allied counter-offensive will 
sweep  north.  How  far  it  will  go  depends  largely  on  political 
calculations,  especially  Chinese  sensitivity  to  movement north of 
Pyongyang.  

   Wild Cards

   There are  two  low-probability,  high-impact  variations  on  this 
scenario that merit discussion. The greatest danger is war between the 
United  States  and  China.  Most  observers  believe  China would not 
directly support the North unless Seoul  was  clearly  the  aggressor. 
Some  argue that China might join the war in order to expel the United 
States from Asia.  In the opinion of  this  author,  such  a  scenario 
requires  China  to  abandon its deep commitment to long-term economic 
development and achieving its rightful place among the superpowers  -- 
a  goal  that  will  take  another  50  years  --  in  pursuit of very 
questionable  short-term  gains.  So  assume  China  is  not  directly 
involved.  

   North Korean use of nuclear weapons is also worth discussion. It is 
possible  Pyongyang  has  a  few nuclear warheads for its missiles.  A 
nuclear strike on a city,  port,  airfield or other facility in  South 
Korea  would kill millions,  and would severely damage some aspects of 
the allies' fighting capability. It would not alter the outcome of the 
war,  however,  except to rule out any  possibility  of  a  negotiated 
settlement.  Threats  of  use,  rather than actual use,  might be more 
effective,  perhaps  keeping  Japan  from  supporting  the  allies  or 
bringing about a political settlement.  

   Preparing to fight and win this war is not easy,  and avoiding very 
costly surprise requires South Korean and U.S.  forces to  maintain  a 
high state of readiness.  But recent diplomatic developments,  growing 
allied  strength,   North  Korean  economic  woes,   and  the   steady 
deterioration  of  North  Korean  forces  all  give  hope  that we can 
continue to deter war as we have since 1953. The North Koreans have to 
know that if they start a war,  the  ultimate  outcome  is  in  little 
doubt.  

   Lonnie  Henley  is a career Army officer and Asian analyst assigned 
to the Pentagon. The views expressed here are his own and not those of 
the U.S. Army or the Department of Defense.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                         Jane's Defence Weekly
                            April  30, 1997

          "USA to ponder N Korean defector's nuclear riddle"

                           By Barbara Starr

It  is  "unclear"  how much of the military information on North Korea 
offered by defector Hwang Jang-yop is "hearsay" and how much is  based 
on direct knowledge,  according to Kurt Campbell,  US deputy assistant 
secretary of defense for Asia and Pacific affairs.  The USA  hopes  to 
begin talking to Hwang shortly, specifically to evaluate his view that 
North  Korea  still  considers the " war option" as a viable strategy. 
The USA is also interested in verifying his statement that North Korea 
holds enough fissile material to construct a nuclear weapon.  

The USA believes statements attributed to Hwang are genuine.  However, 
the question remains how much of the knowledge is first hand. Campbell 
also noted that North Korea  has  stored  large  amounts  of  chemical 
weapons  close  to the demilitarised zone along with its long-standing 
inventory of artillery pieces, mortars and rocket launchers.  

Although the economic  crisis  in  North  Korea  continues  to  affect 
certain military tasks such as pilot training,  Campbell said that the 
forward-based weaponry can be readily fired against the south  at  any 
time.  He further acknowledged that much of the artillery and weaponry 
is in tunnels or buried for survivability.  

There is "nothing we can  do  if  North  Koreaâ  wanted  to  roll  out 
artillery and fire on Seoul," Campbell said.  However, US officials do 
not believe any attack is imminent.  

Campbell said that North Korean exercises in February and  March  were 
in  fact  "not very effective militarily" and "very expensive" for the 
cash-strapped  nation,   but  nonetheless   indicate   the   continued 
government support for the military.  

The  ability  of  US  troops  in South Korea to detect and cope with a 
chemical warfare attack "could be improved", Campbell added. US forces 
are currently testing a variety of detector technologies that could be 
placed at key ports and airfields in South Korea.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                         Journal Sentinel Inc.  
                      Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

                     April  28, 1997 Monday Final

                  "Korean defector's claims dubious"

                               BY FOSTER

   That North Korean bigwig who defected to South Korea a few days ago 
may  not be the "crazy man" his former colleagues say he is.  But some 
of the frightening things he  has  said  and  written  seem  a  little 
extreme and ought to be treated with a fair amount of skepticism.  

   Among  other  scary  things,  he said North Korea possesses nuclear 
weapons and would not hesitate to use them to  turn  South  Korea  and 
Japan into a "sea of fire.  " So mighty is North Korea,  he said, that 
it can even "reduce the United States and Japan to ashes." 

   The warning  generated  a  lot  of  attention  partly  because  the 
defector,  Hwang  Jang  Yop,  was  his  country's  top  ideologue.  In 
February,  he sought political asylum in South  Korea's  consulate  in 
Beijing. He finally made it to South Korea last weekend, where some of 
his warnings were made public.  

   There is little doubt that,  at least until fairly recently,  North 
Korea wanted the world to believe it was acquiring a nuclear  arsenal. 
In  1994,  it  signed  an  agreement  that promised to end its nuclear 
program,  but U.S.  intelligence officials have said they think  North 
Korea collected enough plutonium for one or two bombs.  

   Maybe  that estimate is too low.  At the same time,  asylum-seekers 
want soft landings when they defect,  which means  they  tend  to  say 
things  their  hosts want to hear.  Also,  they usually harbor grudges 
against their former comrades. They are, after all, defectors.  

   But even if North Korea is the menace that Hwang says it is,  it is 
also  desperately poor.  Earlier this month,  after a four-day tour of 
North Korea,  Rep.  Tony Hall (D-Ohio) reported that he was  "stunned" 
to  find  people  in  rural  areas trying to subsist on a diet of five 
ounces of rice a day, plus grass, weeds and tree bark.  

    Wars are notoriously costly things to wage,  and a nation  on  the 
verge  of  starvation  is not apt to start a war that it could not pay 
for or launch an  attack  that  would  inevitably  invite  devastating 
reprisals.  North  Korea's  rulers may be fanatics,  but that does not 
mean they are suicidal.  

    Hwang was the philosophical mastermind of the cruel,  crude system 
that  has  beggared  and  tyrannized the people of North Korea.  Maybe 
that's just another reason to be wary of the extraordinary  things  he 
is now saying.  

   His  track record isn't any better than the record of the regime he 
helped to build and from which he has decided to flee.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                     Kyodo News International, Inc
                         Asian Political News

                            April 28, 1997

          "N. Korea warns Hwang's defection could spark war"

   TOKYO, April 23 Kyodo North Korea on Wednesday blasted high-ranking 
defector Hwang Jang Yop as a "lunatic" and a " war criminal" and  said 
South  Korea's act of bringing him to Seoul constituted "a declaration 
of war against the North." 

   The Korean Central News Agency (KCNA),  quoted a statement it  said 
had  been  issued  by  the pro-North "the National Democratic Front of 
South Korea" as saying the 74-year-old defector's arrival in Seoul  on 
Sunday could undermine peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.  

   "It  is,  in actuality,  a forestalling attack and a declaration of 
war against the North.  If one side fires,  the other side is bound to 
retaliate and the crossfire will inevitably lead to igniting a war,  " 
the statement said.  

   South Korean authorities said they are not aware of  the  pro-North 
Korean group's existence.  

   The  KCNA  report,  monitored  in Tokyo,  is the first comment from 
Pyongyang's official media on Hwang's arrival in Seoul 68  days  after 
he sought asylum at the South Korean diplomatic mission in Beijing.  

    Hwang, who was the chief ideologue of the state philosophy "juche" 
or  self-reliance,  is the first member of the North Korean leadership 
ever to defect to South Korea 

   In his arrival statement, he painted a bleak picture of North Korea 
as a country without hope whose efforts to build a socialist  paradise 
left it a "beggar." 

   In  return,  the  KCNA  statement  heaped  abuse  on  the defector, 
variously calling him a "traitor," "a common enemy of  the  North  and 
South   Korean   people,"   and  "a  crazy  man  sick  with  paranoia, 
eccentricity and mental derangement." 

   "To our people, his worth is less than a dog's," it said.  

   In what appeared to be a thinly veiled threat against Hwang's life, 
it said,  "If Hwang,  an uninvited guest and a spark of  confrontation 
and war with the North,  is left alone,  our people will soon suffer a 
holocaust of war. " 

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                       The Montgomery Advertiser
                        April  28, 1997, Monday

                 "EVEN STARVED, NORTH KOREA DANGEROUS"

                           By Paul Greenberg

   It sounds like something out of a  sci-fi  horror  comic  book,  or 
maybe  just  the history of the 20th century:  A defector from another 
starving totalitarian regime says its  leaders  wouldn't  hesitate  to 
reduce its neighbors to a "sea of fire." 

     Hwang Jang Yop,  formerly of Pyongyang, North Korea, may have had 
his own reasons for sneaking out of the country  he  helped  shape  as 
chief  ideologue  and  tutor  to the next tyrant.  He may have his own 
reasons now for echoing South Korea's official line and  worst  fears. 
He makes the North's strategy sound grotesque,  irrational,  paranoiac 
...  but that is  a  fairly  accurate  description  of  North  Korea's 
insulated, isolated, quite mad leadership.  

   Talk about criminal fantasies: "North Korea is capable of scorching 
South Korea with nuclear weapons,  chemical weapons and rockets," this 
highest ranking of defectors warns.  "North  Korea  believes  that  if 
there  were  a war,  it would certainly win,  and if the United States 
intervenes, it can reduce the United States and Japan to ashes." 

   Well,  the West can't say it wasn't warned.  Washington may yet rue 
the  day  or  night  that  it  didn't  take  out North Korea's nuclear 
capacity in a surgical strike -- the way the Israelis destroyed Saddam 
Hussein's nuclear plant and threat in 1981.  

   At the time,  this country joined the world in condemning  Israel's 
raid  on  that reactor at Baghdad,  only to have to do the job again a 
decade later on a much grander scale,  once Iraq's ruler had shown his 
hand in Kuwait. (Nor is Saddam Hussein finished even now, or the world 
with him.) 

   Now  it is Pyongyang that may be harboring delusions of grandeur -- 
and horror.  Month after month, year after year, Washington has chosen 
to placate, rather than confront North Korea.  

   Practicing  a  kind  of  diplomacy  not always distinguishable from 
bribery,  the United States has offered  North  Korea's  rabid  regime 
food,  nuclear  power,  alternate  fuel sources,  a soft word and just 
about anything else -- if only it will keep its  latest  word  not  to 
develop nuclear weapons.  

   In  an  earlier  time,  this  kind  of  diplomacy  was  called by a 
different name --appeasement -- but the results could  prove  just  as 
much of a failure this time around.  

   Totalitarian  powers that agree to freeze their nukes can thaw them 
in a hurry. And without any compunctions. What's more, the smaller the 
power,  the greater its apocalyptic ambitions.  When the full story of 
the  Cuban Missile Crisis of 1963 came to light,  it became clear that 
Fidel Castro had been dying to get his trigger finger on the  Soviets' 
nuclear arsenal.  

   IF  HE  HAD  succeeded,  a  lot of others would have died with him. 
North Korea's own Ultimate Leader,  Kim Jong Il,  represents the  same 
kind  of  ever  clearer  and  more  present danger to the peace of the 
planet.  There is no longer a Soviet Union,  but that evil empire  has 
left a legacy of sawdust Stalins.  

   Much  as  Americans  would  like  to  slide  back  into  our  usual 
isolationist coma,  the world is still  a  dangerous  place.  Lest  we 
forget,  there's  still  a  Cold  War  in  Asia.  And however cozy its 
connections with the Clinton-Gore campaign/administration,  Red  China 
remains Red,  and North Korea is even Redder.  For Beijing, it must be 
like having a crazy nephew in the attic -- playing with nukes.  

   Why would any country whose subjects have been  reduced  to  eating 
tree  bark entertain such illusions?  This isn't strategy;  it's Grand 
Guignol. It's the Theater of the Absurd with nukes.  

   It is,  in short,  the diplomatic and military history of the  20th 
century.  Suppose  a high-ranking defector from North Korea had warned 
the world in early 1950 that Pyongyang was about to invade  the  South 
with everything it had? Would oh-so-respectable opinion have given him 
any credence -- before June 25, 1950?  

   The  surest  way  to  repeat  the past is to forget it.  The reason 
George Santayana's maxim to  that  effect  is  endlessly  repeated  is 
because it remains so relevant.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

AND  REPEATING  THE  PAST  COLLECTIVE MISTAKES OF HISTORY IS PRECISELY 
WHAT CAUSES GRAND SUPERCYCLE CRASHES,  I.E.,  THE  GREAT  MISTAKES  OF 
HISTORY HAPPENING OVER AND OVER AGAIN,  BECAUSE MAN, IN HIS IRRATIONAL 
GREED, FAILS TO LEARN FROM HIS PAST MISTAKES...  

    -J. Adams

----------------------------------------------------------------------

                     International Herald Tribune
                       April 24, 1997, Thursday

           "Russia and China Agree: Washington Is Too Bossy"

              By Lee Hockstader; Washington Post Service

    The  presidents  of Russia and China,  symbolically thumbing their 
noses at the United States,  signed a declaration  Wednesday  formally 
endorsing   ''a  new  multipolar  world''  that  would  counterbalance 
Washington's global muscle.  

    But beyond pomp,  ceremony and words of friendship at their Moscow 
meeting,  there  was  little  sign  of  what policies or actions Boris 
Yeltsin and Jiang Zemin planned to  embrace  that  would  advance  the 
''new international order'' they so gravely proclaimed.  

    Although both took pains not to mention the United States by name, 
their resentment of Washington's unrivaled clout permeated the Kremlin 
signing ceremony.  

    ''Some  are  pulling the world toward a unipolar order,'' said Mr. 
Yeltsin, who, when he last met with President Bill Clinton in Helsinki 
a  month  ago,  appeared  grumpy  at  a  press  conference  afterward. 
''Someone  wants  to  dictate  order  in  the  world.  And  we  want a 
multipolar world.'' 

    He  added,  ''These poles constitute the foundation of a new world 
order.'' 

    China is on record supporting Russia's bitter  opposition  to  the 
eastward expansion of NATO, the Western security alliance in which the 
United States plays the leading role.  NATO is expected to announce in 
July that it will add members from the former Soviet-dominated  Warsaw 
Pact Q probably the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland.  

    In the past, mutual suspicions between Moscow and Beijing have run 
deep.  In  December,  for  example,  Russia's  defense minister,  Igor 
Rodionov,  warned on the eve of a visit by Prime Minister Li  Peng  to 
Moscow that China remained a military threat to Russia.  

    Visiting China this month, though, Mr.  Rodionov shifted gears.  A 
member of his traveling delegation told the Interfax news agency  that 
not only did China no longer pose a threat, but also that ''Russia can 
supply  China with up-to-date arms and technology for their production 
without harm to its own security.'' 

    For  months,   it  has  been  reported  that  as  part  of   their 
reconciliation,  Moscow and Beijing planned troop reductions,  perhaps 
of 15 percent to 20 percent,  along the  8,000-kilometer  (5,000-mile) 
border that once demarcated the Soviet Union and China.  But the issue 
appeared  clouded  Wednesday.   Citing  an  unnamed  person,  Interfax 
reported that the troops would remain where they were and that the two 
sides had merely ruled out any increase.  

    In a separate accord scheduled to be signed Thursday, Mr. Yeltsin, 
Mr.  Jiang  and  the  leaders  of  the  former  Soviet  central  Asian 
republics of Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan will agree to inform 
each other about troop movements in the border region.  

    Mr.  Yeltsin,  who returned from a vacation to greet  the  Chinese 
leader  on  his  five-day visit to Russia,  said the occasion was ''of 
enormous, possibly historic importance, as we are determining the fate 
of the 21st century.'' 

    Mr.   Jiang,  who  speaks  some  Russian,  addressed  the  Russian 
Parliament  with  a  similar  message  of  friendship  and ''strategic 
partnership.'' 

    ''Let the powerful tree of  friendship  between  our  two  peoples 
always be green,'' he said.  

    The two leaders announced that a committee on ''friendship,  peace 
and development'' would be set up to  nurture  the  warming  bilateral 
relationship.  

    The  Russian  side will be headed by Arkadi Volsky,  who has close 
ties to top figures in Russia's crumbling military-industrial complex. 
The top Chinese representative will be Huang Izheng,  vice chairman of 
the  Chinese  National  People's Congress Commission for Financial and 
Economic Issues.  

----------------------------------------------------------------------

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