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Animal Rights and Animal Welfare:
Five Frequently Asked Questions
by Gary L. Francione
Professor Gary L. Francione is Co-Director of the
Rutgers Animal Rights Law Center at the
Rutgers University School of Law.
In a recent mailing, Americans for Medical
Progress, an alliance of pro-vivisection luminaries
including Leon Hirsch from US Surgical, Frederick King
from Yerkes, Adrian Morrison from Penn, and Edgar
Brenner, who defended Edward Taub, issued a most
dire warning to "alert" educators of a "dangerous"
and "misguided" idea -- the concept of animal rights.
According to the AMP, "[t]he concept of animal rights
goes beyond legitimate animal welfare issues."
In contrast to the AMP position, it is common
among many of those involved in efforts to secure
justice for animals to dismiss the distinction between
animal welfare and rights as some sort of
philosophical distraction. In this matter, I think that
we have much to learn from AMP: they recognize,
quite correctly, that the distinction between animal
rights and animal welfare is central to the debate
about the nature and direction of social efforts to
eradicate animal exploitation.
We, too, must be prepared to confront this
distinction as well and to recognize that animal rights
and animal welfare represent very different -- and
inconsistent -- approaches. There is a great deal of
confusion about the rights/welfare debate, and this
essay is an attempt to present one perspective on
trying to ameliorate this confusion.
question 1: Can the distinction between animal rights and
animal welfare be explained simply?
Animal welfare theories all accept that animals have
interests, but that these interests may be sacrificed or traded
away as long as there are some expected results that are
thought to justify that sacrifice. The primary difference
among welfare theories is what counts as a justification. Some
welfarists will ignore animal interests for the sake of human
amusement and financial gain; others require more "serious"
benefits. In addition, all welfare theories insist that any animal
exploitation be done "humanely" and that animals not be
subjected to "unnecessary" pain.
The central and distinguishing tenet shared by rights
theorists is that animals (like humans) have interests that
cannot be sacrificed or traded away simply because good
consequences will result. The rights position does not hold
that rights are absolute. Indeed, rights must be limited, and
they often conflict. For example, I have an interest in my
liberty which is protected by a constitutional right, but the
right is not absolute. I can forfeit my liberty right if, for
example, I commit a crime. We do not, however, allow liberty
rights to be abrogated simply because depriving one person
of liberty might increase overall social welfare.
question 2: What difference does the distinction between
animal rights and animal welfare make in the real world?
It makes all the difference in the world. Our legal
system currently reflects a welfarist approach, and it clearly
does not work. The law recognizes that animals have interests
in being treated "humanely" or in being kept free from
"unnecessary" suffering. These laws require that we "balance"
human interests against these animal interests; despite such
laws, we still have pigeon shoots, facial branding, castration
without anesthesia, circuses, rodeos, etc. These uses of animals
are completely "unnecessary" and "inhumane" as these terms
are used in ordinary language, but they are all protected under
the law.
The reason for this failure to protect animals is found
in the legal status of animals as the property of human beings.
Animals may have interests, but these interests may be traded
away or sacrificed even when the primary reason for
sacrificing the interest is completely trivial "benefit" in the
form of human amusement and entertainment. As animals are
regarded as property, It is almost always in some human's
interest to exploit those animals.
For example, the 1985 amendments to the federal
Animal Welfare Act, which created animal care committees to
ensure the "humane" treatment of animals used in biomedical
experiments, recognizes very explicitly that animals have
interests, but then permits their use for virtually any purpose
as long as experimenters consider it "necessary." The
continued use of animals in painful and bizarre experiments
indicates that virtually any animal interest provided under the
Act can be outweighed by any human interest, including the
mere curiosity of the vivisector. Laws such as the Animal
Welfare Act and the federal Humane Slaughter Act are
generally ineffective, except for convincing those people
sitting on the fence that it is alright to exploit animals because
we do so thoughtfully.
question 3: Would not the condition of animals be improved if
we simply attached more weight to animal interests within the
existing welfarist framework?
Any attempt to balance human and animal interests
through the use of laws that prohibit "inhumane" treatment or
"unnecessary" suffering will be futile even if more weight is
attached to the animal interests.
In our society, property rights are among the most
highly valued of all human rights. Most human/animal conflicts
occur precisely because a human property owner seeks to
exploit his or her animal property. Even if we increase the
weight attached to the animal interests, the human property
rights cannot be abrogated without a compelling justification.
No animal interest is likely to be regarded as supplying that
compelling interest as long as animals are regarded as the
property of their owners. No form of animal welfare is likely
to be successful as long as all animal interests may be sacrificed
for consequential reasons alone and there are no absolute
prohibitions on at least some forms of animal exploitation.
Attaching more weight to animal interests in "humane"
treatment may sound good in principle, but is wholly
meaningless in the context of the current system.
question 4: Doesn't animal rights require an "all or nothing"
attitude in that rights theory can offer no practical strategy
short of complete and immediate abolition of animal
exploitation?
No. Ironically, there are important opportunities for us
to move in a rights direction even within our present legal
system.
Currently, regulations of animal exploitation recognize
animal interests only in so far as they facilitate the efficient
use of animals as determined by human owners of nonhumans.
For example, the protection offered by "humane" slaughter
regulations for the most part do not go beyond providing
regulation that will make it ultimately cheaper to produce
meat by reducing costly injuries to animals (whose meat will
then fail to conform to USDA regulations) and to workers, who
are more likely to be hurt by animals in panic or pain. Such
regulations, which require nothing more than the "humane"
treatment of animals recognize no interests that are not
subject to being sacrificed or traded away in favor of human
property interests.
There are, however, other types of regulations that are
much closer to rights, and that can have a real effect on animal
suffering and animal death. In order to effective, such
regulations must have three features:
- The regulation must prohibit and not merely
attempt to regulate exploitation through the use of the
"humane" treatment/"unnecessary" suffering standard;
- the regulation must clearly reflect the recognition
of an animal interest that is not subject to being sacrificed or
traded away for consequential reasons alone; and
- the interest recognized and prohibited should be
consistent with the status of the animal as a sentient being
with inherent value and not as human property; that is, the
prohibition ends a particular form of exploitatIon, and does
not merely substitute a different, and supposedly more
"humane" form of exploitation.
For example, If Congress were to stop funding, thereby
effectively stopping, the use of all animals in burn
experiments, that would effectively constitute a prohibition.
Just as important, however, is the recognition that the
prohibition is not imposed in order to facilitate more efficient
animal use; it is imposed out of respect for an animal interest
that cannot be sacrificed even if it were in the interest of
humans to do so. Finally, the interest that is recognized is
consistent with the status of the animal as other than human
property. The prohibition does not "substitute" a supposedly
more "humane" form of exploitation instead of the burn
experiment. Although animals will continue to be used for
other types of experiments, this is neither required nor
prescribed by the prohibition of burn experiments.
This third feature distinguishes the prohibition on burn
experiments from a "prohibition" of, say, more than two hens in
a battery cage. The latter may demonstrate features (1) and (2)
in that although certain overcrowding is "prohibited" in order to
recognize and respect an animal interest, the regulation fails
condition (3) because it is consistent with the continued status of
the hens as human property that may properly be exploited in
a supposedly more "humane" manner. This "prohibition" merely
substitutes one form of exploitation for another, which makes it
different from the above example concerning burn experiments.
Respect-based prohibitions that satisfy these three
criteria move away from the paradigm of animals as property
and offer an arguably sensible half-measure between continuing
the approach of animal welfare, or beginning to chip
away -- peacefully and through legal means -- at the morally,
politically, and economically corrupt edifice that supports animal
exploitation. When accompanied by clear and unequivocal calls
for ultimate abolition, respect-based prohibitions may be
effective in reducing animal suffering and in dismantling the
primary mechanism of animal oppression.
question 5: Isn't animal rights a "terrorist" doctrine?
Of all of the very unfair distortions of truth that pervade
the endless media outlets, this characterization is the most
unfair. Animal rights originated with the same ancient people
for whom Ahimsa, or what has been called "dynamic
harmlessness," was a central organizing principle for social,
political, and religious relations.
Animal rights is not a movement of violence or terrorism.
It is a movement of peace. One of the central tenets linking
most animal rights people (i.e., people who reject speciesism and
the property status of animals on principled grounds) is their
rejection of violence. Working to achieve respect-based
prohibitions in the law is consistent with this rejection of
violence.
The attempt to pin the "terrorist" label on the animal
rights movement is part of the organized backlash against a
more progressive vision of animal liberation, and to intimidate
people into accepting animal welfarism -- a position much more
acceptable to the people who profit from animal exploitation
and who label those who reject welfarism as "terrorists."
conclusion
In the past year, the American Meat industry has adopted
the rhetoric of animal welfare. The vivisectors have explicitly
endorsed animal welfare and have just as explicitly rejected
animal rights for about six years now. When the biggest
exploiters of animals recognize that there are important
differences between animal rights and animal welfare, that tells
us something. When they explicitly embrace the principles of
animal welfare, that, too, tells us something. And there should
be no misunderstanding the meaning of that message: animal
welfare does not work.
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