The Indian National Army

Nripendra (Tony) Bhagat

Early in 1941 it was realised by the Allies that hostilities would soon begin in the Far East with the Japanese. The British, therefore, decided to strengthen their defences in Malaya, within the limited resources available at that time.

I was sent with 17 Field Company of Bombay Sappers & Miners to Singapore early in 1941 and took over command of the company a few months after arrival in Malaya, thus becoming one of the first Indians to get independent command. During the short stay in Singapore the news of the award of Victoria Cross to my brother, Prem Bhagat of Bombay Sappers, then 27, was received. The award constituted a feather in the cap of Corps of Indian Engineers in particular and the Indian Army in general.

The company was moved up North to Jitra located near the border of Malaya and Siam (now Thailand) and was engaged in construction of forward defences and anti-aircraft gun positions. During the retreat down south of the Malay Peninsula the company was engaged in delaying the advance of the Japanese. The demolition of a long floating bridge over an estuary on the west coast in spite of heavy bombing and strafing by the Japanese was an outstanding action in our retreat.

On arrival at Singapore, 17 Field Company manned forward defences as there were no engineering tasks to be performed.

After the surrender of the British forces in Singapore on 15 February 1942 the Indian contingent was ordered to assemble in Farrer Park. A high ranking Japanese officer announced that all the Indian prisoners of war who were handed over to the Japanese by the British will now be under the command of Capt Mohan Singh (later General INA.) for all purposes of administration.

Capt Mohan Singh was at the Indian Military Academy in the first batch with me and on being commissioned was attached to a British battalion for one year. He was then posted to the l/14th Punjab Regt. He moved to Malaya with this battalion in 1940. He was the first senior officer to become prisoner of war in the fighting on the Siam-Malaya border.

He soon came in contact with a Japanese organisation Fujiwara Kikan and the Indian Independence League of Siam. These two organisations worked together to indoctrinate Indian prisoners of war to cooperate with the Japanese forces for the ultimate objective of fighting the British and driving them out of India.

As the number of Indian prisoners of war increased they were asked to join the new set-up of the Indian National Army. At the time of the surrender of Singapore about 6,000 POWs had volunteered to join the INA. The remainder continued to be POWs. Later on being told the objectives of the INA, its strength steadily increased to about 45,000.

The fight for Independence waged in India was based on Gandhian nonviolence. Though some progress was achieved in the way of self-government, yet it was realised that complete Independence by these means would take a very long time.

History shows that no colonial power has ever given independence to a subject nation unless it is compelled to do so, by the use of force. The presence of a large number of Indian POWs armed with previously surrendered weapons provided the opportunity for the formation of the requisite force. An INA on the Indo-Burma border would be the catalyst for a general revolt in India. The Japanese were eager to provide assistance to the INA to fight the British and drive them out of India, thus posing a threat from that direction.

However, the past record of the Japanese in East Asia was a dismal one. The cruel enslavement of nations was remembered. There was no certainty that they would honour their commitment after the war and not go for Japanese imperialism. The calibre of political leadership then available in the South East was not sufficiently of a high order to ensure negotiations with Tokyo to treat the INA as an allied Army and not as a mere propaganda force. Then there was absence of a declaration by the Japanese Government of their war aims in respect of India. There were appreciable numbers of officers including me and other ranks who in spite of the arguments in favour of joining the INA and their keenness to fight for independence did not do so. The main consideration was safeguarding the interests of our country. It was felt that no action should be taken that may result in the replacement of one colonial power with perhaps a more difficult one.

During these discussions, I together with 17 Field Company was sent off to Miri in Sarawak (Borneo). After the passage of about three months I was flown back to Singapore minus my company which was not at all appreciated by me. It was learnt from reliable sources, soon after my arrival in Singapore that Netaji Sub has Chandra Bose would shortly be coming to East Asia from Germany to lead Indians living in Malaya, Siam and Burma in their fight for the independence of India.

It was only at this juncture that I decided to join the INA to make my contribution to the struggle. Shortly afterwards I was asked to raise and train the second INA division. An innovation was a series of lectures by me on guerrilla warfare to the officers of the INA, which would be useful when it entered India. On the formation of the Provisional Government of Free India, I was appointed one of its members.

The organisation and training of the volunteers who joined the INA induced other POWs to also join. The civilian Indian population in South East Asia was enthused with the idea of an Indian National Army fighting for Independence. Large numbers volunteered to join. The raising of a women's organisation, the Rani Jhansi Regiment, encouraged the female population in Malaya to volunteer to join in appreciable numbers. Axis successes in the war at that time also encouraged the Indian population to join the INA. In early 1943 the news that Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose was expected shortly to be in Singapore generated a great deal of interest and swelled the ranks of the INA. Large sections of the POWs, who were undecided about the bonafides of the Japanese, shed their suspicions and joined the INA. The arrival of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in Tokyo in early June, 1943 resulted in the Japanese declaring that the INA was an independent allied Army. The war aims of the Japanese as far as India was concerned were also announced. It was categorically stated that the Japanese had no territorial ambition in India. Their sole objective was to force the British to quit India and so remove a possible threat from that direction.

The Japanese had anticipated quite early that there would be a large number of Indian prisoners of war in the fighting as they drove the British forces south,down the length of the Malayan peninsula. They had, therefore, established an organisation by the name of Fuziwara Kikan to administer the Indian POWs. There was also an organisation, the India Independence League set up in Bangkok. These two organisations worked closely with each other. The Indian POWs as they were taken were kept in separate camps and not with other POWs. They were informed of the creation of an Indian National Army to fight for the independence of India. Those who agreed to join the INA were kept separate from those who wished to remain POWs. By the time of the British surrender at Singapore there were about 6,000 POWs who formed the nucleus of the INA. The remaining Indian POWs remained as such. They lived in separate camps and were administrated and guarded by Indians of the INA. Any of the POWs living in camps were at liberty to join the INA, whenever they so desired. The strength of the INA thus rose to about 45,000.

An Indian POW who joined the INA did so with full realisation that if the British won the war, he would be subjected to the harshest punishment. As against this remaining a POW only meant staying in camps with Indian guards. After the war irrespective of which side won they should return home and rejoin the Indian Army. The rations given to the INA personnel was the same as given to the POWs. The pay disbursed to both the categories was also the same. Thus the safe course was to remain a POW and wait for the end of the war and then go home.

If the British won they would be amply rewarded in every way as it actually happened after the end of World War II. As for the POWs who joined the INA the only reward was the satisfaction of having fought for the liberation of their homeland. If the British lost they would naturally be hailed as heroes. If the British won they would be treated as traitors who had broken their oath to the crown and, therefore, given the severest punishment.

As far as the breaking ofthe oath taken by the personnel of the Indian National Army is concerned, there have been many discussions on the subject: on being confronted with the question that if their homeland happened to be under foreign occupation, would they struggle for its independence or would they remain bound down by any pledges or oaths they may have taken. Barring a very few exceptions they all maintained that they would fight for freedom. This argument and their stand was largely responsible for the lower degree of punishments meted out to the members of the INA. The punishments awarded to members of the INA were as follows:

(a) Forfeiture of pay and allowances from the date of becoming POWs.

(b) Dismissal from the Indian Army.

Persons who were court martialled for offences such as causing death were given various terms of imprisonment.

However, as the time of becoming a Republic approached it was felt that the INA officers who were obliged to leave the Army after the trials in the Red Fort should be given an option to rejoin the Indian Army. The conditions attached were not at all favourable. They were designed to discourage rejoining, and briefly they amounted to :-

(a) A de-novo i.e. a new commission would be given starting as 2nd Lieutenant but would retain their acting rank at the time of surrender to the Japanese.

(b) Seniority and pay and allowances for the period between the surrender to the Japanese and rejoining the Army would be forfeited. Due to the unfavorable terms very few accepted the offer. It was only those who had a long association with the Indian Army who volunteered. For them there was considerable embarrassment in having to serve under officers who before the surrender to the Japanese were very much junior to them. There is no other case in history where officers who fought for independence of their country have been given such unfavourable treatment. Perhaps the opposition by a section of serving officers, to the full reinstatement of officers of the INA influenced this unfair decision. These officers were worried about their promotion prospects. The involvement of the INA and its objectives were naturally kept under strict security by the British and were not allowed to be known to the British Indian forces and the Indian population at large. It was only after the end of the war and commencement of the INA trials that the true facts and the aims of the INA became public and the entire country responded and extended support to it in a befitting manner. There is no doubt and is accepted by all discerning people that the INA contributed substantially to the achievement of Independence much earlier than would have been possible in the normal course through a non-violent struggle.

Nripendra S (Tony) Bhagat

Tony was the eldest of the four Bhagat brothers at the RIMC. In fact, when the news of Prem getting the Victoria Cross was flashed, the Bhagat family thought it was Tony and not Prem. Circumstances and fate, however, always seemed to conspire against Tony, denying him his many dues-the Sword of the first IMA batch, IC No. 1 despite topping the order of merit of the first IMA batch, and due recognition for his sufferings as a soldier and freedom fighter. He was at the RIMC from 1926 to 1932, and was in the first course of the IMA. The other Rimcollians in the first IMA course were Generals K Bhagwati Singh, Harbhajan Singh, and Brig Kanhaiya Lal Atal.

Taken prisoner of war in South East Asia, Tony joined the Indian National Army after Subhas Chandra Bose took over its command and the Japanese declared that they had no territorial ambitions in India. The INA was declared an allied army of the Japanese and Tony became a General and later faced punishment after the defeat of the INA.

Tony found it difficult to ignore the call of arms for long and rejoined the Army under the de-novo-commission scheme much to his personal disadvantage. He later retired as Brigadier. In the article, he records his impression of the RIMC, IMA and the INA, with whom he was associated during crucial periods.

 

 

 

 

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