Visigoths and Romans during the fourth century AD. Assimilation, resistance and cultural interferences,
in Analele Universitatii Bucuresti, istorie, XLV, 1996, pp. 31-36.
Cristian Olariu

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    In the third century, in the conditions of the military anarchy, there appeared a new danger on the Roman imperial frontieres. In AD 238, there is registered the first massive attack of the Gothic populations over the Roman Empire. Several authors had spoken about this new "plague" occured over the Empire. Indeed, during more than two centuries, the Gothic populations threatened the security of the Roman frontier, especially in the Danube area. On the other hand, these Germanic populations were by far the most influenced barbarians in contact with the Roman Empire. Their area of settlement was mainly Bessarabia, Muntenia, Moldavia and the Eastern and Central parts of Transylvania [1]. But, in the Visigothic area of settlement, there also existed Taifali, Sarmati, former Roman provincial inhabitants, Carpi and even Iranian populations [2] ; also, as a consequence of the barbarian raids of the third century, there were in this area even groups of Roman prisoners from Asia Minor (see for example the case of Ulfilas' forefathers, captured by plundering Goths in "the village of Sadagolthina in the city district of Parnassus, Cappadocia, and were carried off to Transdanubia" [3].
    The Visigothic social structure was one of an "heroic" or "barbarian" organisation, and the contact with the Romans helped to strengthen the power of the aristocracy. The barbarian aristocracy was directly interested in raising it's social status, by achieving prestige goods by all means: plundering raids, commerce, or negotiations. It's position in the Visigothic society was threatened

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by the great social mobility, through which every able warrior could raise it's status and became a new member of the aristocracy. On the other hand, the aristocratic status was not very well defined, due to the period of migrations. There were several tribal chiefs, who saw themselves as the leaders of the community, but their position could be threatened at any moment by some able newly-raised leaders. During the fourth century, we are witnesses of a sedentarization of the Visigoths, in the areas quoted above. One of the main problems in the Romanian archaeology is that it could not be found any material traces of this aristocracy (i. e. hillforts, palaces, etc.) except some treasures (i. e. the well-known treasure from Pietroasa, Botosani, Tauteni-Bihor, Someseni-Cluj, Simleul Silvaniei [4], and some finds in the fourth century cemeteries. On this base, it could only be suggested some ideas about the Visigothic social structures.
    Also, the literary sources could provide us with some information; unfortunately, these sources are extremely few, and they are not very reliable, partly because they are biased by their authors' Roman origin. We have only accidental information from the Roman side, which concerns events in direct relation with the Roman history, and the Gothic authors (such as Iordanes) are extremely late for the period in discussion. On the other side, there are the Germanic legends preserved thorugh Scandinavian tradition, and these legends could tell us something about the Germanic social structures [5].
    Beginning from these points, we shall try to reconstruct the Visigothic society of the fourth century. On the top of the social hierarchy there were the members of the aristocracy. They are in some way archaeologically registered in the cemeteries; for example, there are rich burials which could reflect a social stratification- M 501, M 507 from Barlad-Valea Seaca [6], M 37, M 65, M 67 from Spantov [7], M 143, M 179, M 195 from Targsor [8], etc. Also, there are registered some "clans" which acquired during the migrations high social prestige, as a consequence of their leading role: for example, H. Wolfram recorded the clans of the Amali, the Balthi and the Rosomoni [9].
    A characteristic of the Gothic aristocracy was it's multiethnic character. There was not simply a Visigothic aristocracy, formed on ethnic bases, but rather a "barbarian aristocracy", which comprised more or less some non-German elements. There is for example recorded the invasion of Rausimodus, in 323 [10] ; in Zosimos' account, Rausimodus was a Sarmathian,

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not a Goth; another example is suggested by V. Palade at M 501 from Barlad-Valea Seaca, where there were discovered a gold medallion, a glass from Roman import, and a glass pitcher, all these seeming to belong to "an individual of a superior social condition" [11], but especially M 507, "the wealthiest Santana de Mures burial"[12] , and which was suggested to belong "surely to a local native chieftain"[13] .
    Also, at Viespesti, south-east of Muntenia, in 1926 there was discovered a monetary treasure dated AD 352- 366, in a Sarmathian context [14] . All these facts seem to strengthen the idea of a mixed aristocracy, from the ethnic point of view, and this conducts to the idea that north of the Danube there existed mixed communities living together, instead of a clear separation on ethnic bases. There are some proves which help to reinforce the idea of mixed communities: for example, Gheraseni-Cremenea, in the Buzau county, Sirna (Prahova county), Barlad-Valea Seaca, already mentioned, Falciu-Bogdanesti, Banca-Gara, Zorleni-Fantanele, and so on. In all these settlements and cemeteries it was archaeologically proved that there existed mixed communities, because of the presence of mixed cemeteries, dated in the same period. The mixed living can also be proved by the presence of the pottery of different types: the pottery of Dacian tradition, combined with the typically Roman red ware, and the grey pottery, typical to the Santana de Mures culture. Also, the burial ritual, both inhumation and cremation, together with the burial inventory, help to strengthen the dea that there are mixed communities, natives and alogenous populations [15].
    From the religious point of view, the introduction of the Arian Christianism proved to be another major factor of dissonance within the barbarian society [16]. It was suggested that the Christianism was deliberately introduced by the Romans (the emperor Valens) in order to divide the barbarian society . As a reaction, there are registered in the literary sources the persecutions carried on by Athanaric, the "judge" of the Thervingi, against the Christians [17], and, as a consequence, the Visigothic aristocracy was divided into two main factions: the pagans, grouped around Athanaric, and the Christians, under the leadership of Fritigern. Between Fritigern and Athanaric there was a conflict for the
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supreme leadership of the Thervingi, conflict also mentioned by the literary sources [18] ; more vagueness is in Eunapios' record, because in fr. 60, in the context of the Gothic revolt after the crossing of the Danube in the Empire (after 376), he registered the existence of two main factions, one pro-Roman, the other against the Romans.
    What is interesting is the fact that the Visigothic society was developed as an intermediary society, between the sedentary civilization of the Romans, and the nomadic cultures of former Scythia. Accordin to this idea, there could be observed some gradual transformations in the Gothic society. Whilst the Ostrogoths developed a strong military monarchy, copying the model of "nomadic" monarchies, where the king is an absolute monarch (for the case of king Ermanarich, see the legend of Hamdir and Sorli [19], as Attila of the Huns had been some decades later, the Visigoths never succeeded in creating a strong military kingship. They rather created the "judgeship", a supreme military command during the war [20]. In any case, the judge was seen rather as a primus inter pares than an incontestable leader during the war This was an essential feature of the Germanic way of carrying the war. The Germanic army could be better seen as a coalition of warbands, than a regular army, under a supreme leader. The chiefs were extremely independent in their actions, for example, during the times of official peace, the Gothic raiders (latrunculi) who attacked the Roman provinces [21] . Speaking about raiders, it must be stressed the fact that raids were an essential part of the barbarian economy; to be more explicit, the raid was a fundamental mean of strengthening the links between the chief and his warriors. The chief was in a way obliged to raid the neighbouring territories, in order to achieve and maintain high status by providing his warriors with supplies and prestige goods (such as jewellery, gold pieces, fine weapons, etc.).
    There has already been mentioned that there were conflicts between Athanaric and Fritigern, conflicts assumed to be on religious bases; but, as well as religious bases, the conflict could have on it's origins prestige or status motives, because Socrates informs us that Fritigern became Arian only after he defeated Athanaric with Roman help [22]. The Roman policy towards the barbarians seemed clear in this case: to help the weaker part in the conflict, in order to weaken the barbarian threat over the frontiers of the Empire. But the entire foreign policy of the Roman state was centred around this point: to divide the barbarian tribes, in order to secure the Roman frontiers.
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    Besides the introduction of Christianism as a state policy, there were some other cultural fields where the Roman influence was significant. For example, it was suggested that the wearing of the so-called "Gothic" brooch was inspired by the late Roman ceremonial [23]. On the other hand, some German kings and chiefs increased their social status by acquiring Roman military commands, and in this sense there are recorded for the late fourth century the case of Alaric, both magister militum per Illyricum and rex of the Goths, or the case of Vadomarius, both dux Phoenices and king of the Alamanni in 361/366 [24], or the best-known case of Gainas, who acted as magister militum and as a Gothic chief during the events of 399/400 at Constantinople [25]. As Roman commanders, they were integrated in the Roman social system, which prestige among the barbarians was huge in the fourth century. According to this fact, the barbarian chiefs could receive high military honours and even payments for their peoples. Also, the Roman gifts helped to increase the barbarian chiefs' status among their equals.
    In the field of the material culture, there has been discovered plenty of Roman imports, especially Roman pottery: at Copuzu [26], Ulmeni-Buzau [27], Izvoare-Piatra Neamt [28], Sirna-Prahova [29], Barlad-Valea Seaca [30] and so on.
    What is interesting to observe is the fact that it can also be found Santana de Mures pottery in the frontier Roman provinces (for example at Dinogetia, Ulmetum, Runcu, Tropaeum Traiani [31], so there existed along the Danube frontier a space of mixed populations, both Romans and barbarians. The Roman tendency was to close as much as possible the frontier, fact proved to be impossible. The Romans also tried to control the contacts with the barbarians; it is suggestive in this sense the imperial decreee promulgated by Valentinian, Valens and Gratian, in which the emperors forbade the transport in the barbarian territories of wine, oil and alcoholic drinks, dated c. a. 370-375 [32], and the war between Valens and Athanaric in 367-369, when the Romans closed the frontier to the barbarian commerce, and thus they were forced to ask for peace [33].

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    So, the Lower Danube zone could be defined as a frontier zone, where both Romans and barbarians lived together. It's geographical character also helped rather to unite than to separate the two banks of the river, and the Roman limes was those which generated a separation between the two banks of the river. North of the Danube there were mixed populations, "barbarian" in character, but looking towards the river to the Roman model, and trying in some way to imitate it. The prestige of the Roman Empire was also an important factor in the influence over the barbarians. On the other hand, the Roman society was "barbarised" at certain levels, especially on the military one. There are registered several Gothic military units who served in the Roman army [34], and some of the Gothic chiefs raised their status even to the privilege of consulship (i. e. Fravitta, consul in 401 with Fl. Vincentius [35].
    The events of 376 and after, well-konwn by the historiography, marked a new stage in Romano-Gothic relations' evolution, especially the foedus of 382. The foedus marked the recognition, for the first time by the Romans, of a barbarian political unit inside the Roman frontiers. From this time on, the Goths appear as foederates of the Roman Empire, but a special kind of foederates. If in the previous period the Romans never dealt with barbarians inside the Roman frontiers, from this time on, a new relationship had to be developed, marking de facto the weakness of the Roman state; the Roman authorities were faced with the first German "state" on Roman soil.
Footnotes:
1. See Iordanes, Getica, 74.
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2. H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, Berkeley, 1990, p. 8
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3. Philostorgius, HE, II. 5.
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4. See for bibliography R. Harhoiu, SCIVA, tom 43, 1992, 4, pp. 425- 431.
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5. See for example the legend about Hamdir and Sorli, and their fight against the king Ermanarich, or the Viking sagas, quoted by H. Wolfram, op. cit., p. 34.
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6. V. Palade, in Materiale si cercetari arheologice, 13, Oradea, 1979, pp. 255-256.
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7. B. Mitrea, C. Preda, Necropole din secolul al IV-lea in Muntenia, Bucuresti, 1966.
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8. Gh. Diaconu, Targsor. Necropola din secolele III-IV e. n., Bucuresti, 1965.
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9. Wolfram, op. cit., pp. 32-35.
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10. Zosimus, II. 21. 1-3, 22. 1, Anon. Val. 5. 21.
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11. V. Palade, op. cit. p. 269.
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12. Ibidem.
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13. V. Palade, op. cit., p. 270.
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14. M. Butoi, A. Minca, in Materiale si cercetari arheologice, 13, Oradea, 1979, p. 273.
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15. See V. Palade, Carpica, XX, 1989; M. Alexianu, L. Ellis, Memoria Antiquitatis, XV-XVII, 1987, p. 136.
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16. Paulus Orosius, VII. 33. 19.
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17. Auxentius, Epistula de fide, vita et obitu Ulfilae, in Fontes Historiae Daco- Romanae, vol. II, Bucuresti, 1970; Augustinus, De civ. Dei, XVIII. 52; Socrates, HE, IV. 33. 1-7; Passio s. Nicetae, 4.
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18. Socrates, HE, IV. 33. 1-7; Passio s. Nicetae, 3.
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19. Quoted by Wolfram, op. cit., p. 34.
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20. For the description of the judgeship, see Wolfram, op. cit., p. 95.
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21. For example, the inscription from Carcaliu, near Troesmis, in CIL, III, 12483= Dessau, 724, dated c. 337-340.
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22. Socrates, HE, IV. 33. 1-7.
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23. See R. Harhoiu, op. cit., pp. 427-428.
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24. Amm. XVIII. 2. 16, XXI. 3. 5: "Ex duce et rege Alamannorum"; PLRE, I, 1971, p. 928.
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25. For the description of the events see Socrates, HE, VI. 6. 1 ff., Philost. XI. 8, Theod. Cyr., HE, V. 32-3, Zosimus, V. 21. 9- 22. 2, Sozomenos, HE, 4. 1 ff., Joh. Ant. Fr. 190, Eun. Fr. 82.
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26. C. Museteanu, Cultura si civilizatie la Dunarea de Jos, II, 1986, pp. 209- 221.
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27. M. Constantinescu, in Materiale si cercetari arheologice, 17, Bucuresti, 1993, pp. 315- 319.
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28. M. Alexianu, L. Ellis, op. cit.
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29. St. Olteanu, V. Teodorescu, M. Neagu, in Materiale si cercetari arheologice, 13, Oradea, 1979, pp. 277- 279.
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30. V. Palade, Materiale si cercetari arheologice, 13, Oradea, 1979, pp. 265- 270.
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31. See M. Comsa, Pontica, 5, 1972, pp. 223- 234.
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32. Corpus Iuris Civilis, Codex Iustinianus, IV. 41. 4.
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33. See Amm. XXVII. 5. 7.
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34. See ND Or. V. 26. 31, VI. 26. 61, XXXIII. 15. 32, Occ. VI. 41. 59, VII. 166. 205.
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35. PLRE, I, 1971, s. v. Fravitta.
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