In Conclusion

         Memorial Park in Kragujevac has been visited by millions of people in the last two decades. Annual events are held there every year and many schoolchildren take excursions to the park to learn about their country's history.⁵⁵ Memorial Park and its monuments were even featured as main attractions in travel brochures for Kragujevac.⁵⁶ Thus the messages inherent in the monuments and inscriptions at Kragujevac have reached many. Stjepan Filipoviæ's image, his arms outstretched in a victorious "V," is one of the most familiar in Yugoslavia and has graced many museum walls and publications about the war.⁵⁷ The presentation of these two events does have a powerful impact on the public synthesis and formation of historical consciousness; however, the perception of the beholder must also be taken into consideration. A person's perception of the past may be manipulated to some extent but loyalty, grief and other basic human emotions are less susceptible to outside influence.

         Now, in contemporary Yugoslavia, geographically truncated by another civil war in 1991, the political tide has shifted. Communism, though still nominally present in Yugoslav politics, has faded. In its place, nationalism has arisen and, though all of the parks I visited (most of which are not discussed in this paper) are still cared for and open, there are many indications that Tito's "program" and the preservation of a pure Partisan memory is no longer a priority. Many museums that I intended to visit were closed, especially those concerned with Tito specifically. The museum of the "revolution," as the Second World War is called in Yugoslavia, had been closed indefinitely due to lack of funding. "Eternal Flames" had been dedicated at Kragujevac and Valjevo under Tito, but these have long since been neglected. They sit, somber, their flames long since forgotten.⁵⁸ This testifies to the fact that Serbia is in a state of transition and her monuments reflect this. The monuments and museums that once played such a crucial role in preserving and flattering the Partisan legacy are slowly becoming expendable. Propaganda, no matter the degree of subtle finesse invested, has a short shelf life.

         The massacre at Kragujevac illustrates both continuity and change very well. The fifty years following the massacre have not altered the gravity or the cruelty of the event. In fact, most people have difficulty even comprehending such a tragedy because they lack a frame of reference for a massacre of that magnitude. Before World War II, there was no precedent for such a massive slaughter and now, two generations removed from the tragedy, we again lack the memories to comprehend such an act. The unalienable fact is that we all acknowledge the tragedy and, as we are restricted by mortality ourselves, to even try and imagine such an inane event forces us to draw a sharp breath and ponder our fragility as humans. And for most, it is simply impossible to understand what madness was behind such a disastrous event. What were the gunmen thinking as the spent all day murdering? What prompted Boehme to order such a harsh reprisal? Did he have any concept of what his order would mean? We are all together asking these questions. As individual humans, stripped of all sense of military or political affiliation, we respond similarly to the Kragujevac October. We all feel the loss that pervaded "A Bloody Fairytale." And this sense of sadness is timeless and indiscriminate. The continuity of Kragujevac is in its timeless tragedy; the change can be found in our fleeting ability to truly comprehend the execution of 5,000 in two short days and in Tito's passive manipulation of Memorial Park.

         The emphasis on victory in the name of Socialism and the glorification of defiance present in the monuments at the park speak to the masses to remind them to whom they should be grateful. Critically considering the latent messages in the park is not denying the Partisan contribution to the war effort; it is simply recognizing the Partisan program to create a glowing picture of their bravery. Tito dutifully showed his respects to the fallen innocent, yet he managed to advertise himself and his political party as well.

         History can be understood on several levels: on the individual level, and on the group level. The picture changes drastically when one considers how people respond as a group. Government is simply a synonym for the phrase "collective mentality, with rules." Here, agendas, power intrigues, and loyalties are in transition and all of them interact with each other on an abstract level. The result is often a multi-tiered maze with many dimensions. The historical memories of the Kragujevac massacre and Filipoviæ's hanging have many dimensions and demonstrate concretely the government's attempt to change historical consciousness. Collectively, people are vulnerable. And yet, Kragujevac, in its tragedy, and Filipoviæ, in his bravery, exemplify constancy as well. The tragedy of 5,001 deaths will not be lessened over time: it is a constant.

         When a person is acting as an individual instead of a member of a group, the poem "Krvava Bajka" is touching and sad, and Filiopvic's story is inspiring. The danger comes when one group has the power to persuade, slowly but surely, a public audience into believing something that is just few shades away from the truth. Lies that are close to the truth are those with potency, because they are more readily accepted.

         Continuity, as I have demonstrated, is in the case of the Kragujevac massacre and the Filipoviæ statue, primarily associated with the individual. A discriminating, rational person has fewer tendencies to shift and less complexity than a group. A personal historical consciousness, once defined, is hard to disturb if a strong emotion or reaction has cauterized it permanently. However, people in groups are much more fluid and likely to shift. In large groups, emotion, the very thing that ties us together, is blunted and so we are more susceptible to half-truths. Naturally, if something very important is in question, the individual is alert and on guard. However, if the subject in question is not considered a "sacred cow," the individual loses definition and blends into the group, where he can be influenced. Thus, change is associated with the group.

         A close examination of two case studies has given us insight into the dynamic relationship between the Serbian people, their collective memory, and Tito's government, which played such an active role in the formation of the historical consciousness in Serbia. The individual, in tandem with the state and its political agenda, define historical consciousness.

         Yugoslavia is a crossroads, culturally and geographically, and many influences have come to bear on its people. Many agendas have been served on its soil. As in any country, caveat emptor is a necessary precaution. Critical thinking is a dying skill in our modern society; our individuality and sense of truth are easily lost in this age of technology. Looking into the past gives us the opportunity to learn and history, as well as the way we choose to interact with it, can affect our lives in the present. The truth is worth effort, trial, and tribulation.

—George Washington