Adam Smith’s Vision.
Matthew J. Hartogh
The Origins of Political Economy
The lineage of the modem schools of political and economic thought is much clearer when one realizes that there were really two strains in Adam Smith's thought. These gave rise to the schism between what we would term the radical school of political economy and the neo-classical discipline. This is not to say that there is a schism in Smith's writings per-se, but rather, his thought on the science of economy was so comprehensive and brought so much historical knowledge to bear, that along one track, Karl Marx could develop the radical critique of political economy, and along the other, Ricardo, Pareto, and Marshall were able to found the discipline of classical economics.
Smith did not write in a vacuum, but rather was associated with a group of thinkers which have been called the "Scottish Historians" by some commentators. This group drew a large part of its inspiration from the Baron de Montesquieu whose liberal ideas would variously inspire the radicals of the French revolution, and men, like Smith, who sought to unleash the engine of capital from the fetters of mercantilism. Among this same group of economic liberals was David Hume who, along with his work in philosophy, wrote seminal pieces advocating the efficiency and rationality of free international trade and a flexible monetary and exchange rate regime.
Smith, however, was the first to separate society and economy into distinct epistemological domains; he was perhaps the last great thinker to clearly see the interpenetration of one within the other. Marx would later write about the relationship of the state to civil society, but Marx did not acknowledge an organic separation between society, state, and economy. By then, the embryonic division between economics proper and political economy had already taken place. For Marx and his followers down to the present day, the state is simply a servant of capital, a subsidiary of the conglomerate.
Adam Smith, however, stood at the crest of a great intellectual divide. He was able to look backwards and survey the development of human society from the beginnings as a crude struggle to organize both its productive and its ruling faculties, and not doing a very good job of either. He was also able to look ahead and foresee the awesome power of capital, freed from national boundaries, which would transform the earth. In one magnificent passage, written from the vantage point of this great divide, Smith retires the old era and inaugurates the new:
But what all the violence of feudal institutions could never have effected, the silent and insensible operation of foreign commerce and manufactures gradually brought about. These gradually furnished the great proprietors with something for which they could exchange the whole surplus produce of their lands, and which they could consume themselves without sharing it either with tenants or retainers. All for ourselves and nothing for other people, seems, in
every age of the world, to have been the vile maxim of the masters of mankind. As soon, therefore, as they could find a method of consuming the whole value of their rents themselves, they had no disposition to share them with any other persons. For a pair of diamond buckles, perhaps, or for something as frivolous or useless, they exchanged the maintenance, or what is the same thing, the price of the maintenance of a thousand men for a year, and with it the whole weight and authority it could give them. The buckles, however, were to be all their own, and no other human creature was to have any share of them; whereas in the more ancient method of expense they must have shared with at least a thousand people. With the judges that were to determine the preference, this difference was perfectly decisive; and thus, for the gratification of the most childish, the meanest, and the most sordid of all vanities, they gradually bartered their whole power and authority.
The Wealth of Nations III iv 8
In announcing the advent of a new era where land is no longer the locus of value, where labor, embodied in manufactured goods, is the awesome new store of wealth, wealth which can be bought and sold on the open market, Smith is not only announcing the historical transition from the feudal age to the capitalist, he is announcing the birth of a new science as well. This portability of value, this universality of exchange has created, sui generis, the condition of possibility of value as an abstraction; the semiotic elements rent, wages, and interest, have now become the symbolic proxies for land, labor, and capital.
Just as the periodic table of the elements liberated all the disparate chemistries and alchemies of medieval Europe from their cultural and spiritual ground, the language of labor and exchange value liberated assets from their local political substrate. The power of abstract mathematics could now be combined with improved accounting and harnessed to give the study of economy a power and precision lacking in the descriptive art which had gone before. I do not assert that Smith planned the development of a new science, nor did this happen overnight. It would take another century for the science of economics to approach maturity with the publication of Marshall's Principles of Economics, but the decisive evolutionary mutation had taken place.
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Whence The Invisible Hand
"[Man is] led by an invisible hand to make nearly the same distribution of the necessaries of life which would have been made, had the earth been divided into equal portions among all its inhabitants and thus without intending it, without knowing it, advance the interests of society, and afford means to the multiplication of the species."
With these words, Adam Smith has given inspiration to all subsequent generations of those who believe that free trade, regulated by nothing but the market itself, produces the greatest good for mankind. To those who believe in the market, this is a truth as simple, as elegant, as self evident as Newton's laws of motion. Indeed, it is futile to even think outside of the paradigm, because, since it is evident that the market always clears at the right price, any deviation is an imperfection in the market or a disequilibrium which will come into balance in the long run. The paradigm is irresistable because of its universal applicability. Market economics has shown its utility in explaining, in a common conceptual currency, phenomena as disparate as interest rate parity across national boundaries and the Fisher effect relating real and nominal rates of inflation. If the validity of a science is certified by its explanatory power, modem economics has earned its place in the academy.
The modem artifact of rational expectations theory is the natural extension of the twin postulates of frictionless markets and individuals who maximize their utility with the benefit of perfect information. Economics has now been completely divorced from the ground of what the Marxists call the relations of production. It is this epistemological tunnel vision, I assert, which distorts the description of real world events where relations between the actors are mediated by factors beyond a market price. Life is not a fair auction and a description of all events in economic society in terms of bid and ask leads to policy decisions being formulated without regard to the real human cost.
" Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, eds. Campbell, Skinner, and Todd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976) IV i 1 10.
How To Think Outside The Paradigm
Randy Abelda, Robert Drago, and Steven Shulman speak a language so different from their ostensible professional peers in the economic establishment that they would probably be considered to be practicioners of an alien discipline:
"In the political economy world-view, people are not simply rational , calculating individuals. They are members of groups, and membership in particular groups predicts whether any particular individual will get a fair shot in the labor market or elsewhere in the economy. From the moment you are born, you enter an economy with an unlevel playing field. Each of us may have the opportunity to try hard and be the star player on our respective teams, but overall, the teams do not have equal resources and the rules of the game favor some over others"
This is a very different terrain from the neo-classical world we have just surveyed. The categories of inquiry are different and there is no convenient currency of exchange by which we can mathematically quantify relationships among the constituent elements of the playing field. No equilibrium price can be found at the intersection of "class", "race", and
"gender", the categories of radical inquiry. We are now at the tip of the other fork of the evolutionary schism which split the discipline and there are precious few who are willing or able to bridge the gap. Those who study political economy occupy chairs of sociology or community studies, not economics.
" Abelda, Drago, Shulman, ibid. p. 121.