How Does Beijing Face the Anti-Chinese Violence in Indonesia?
May 1998 remains a black period for Chinese Indonesians. As the students were bringing down President Suharto a wave of street
violence targeted Chinese shops, restaurants, companies and houses, causing massive destruction, killings and raping of ethnic
Chinese, Beijing Zhichun said in its August issue.
The violence has ended, but the situation remains unsafe for the 6 million ethnic Chinese living in Indonesia. The majority of this
population was born in Indonesia and now they run small family businesses. Who can then assure their protection? China, of course!
But the communist authorities have proved totally incapable of assuming this role, the magazine said.
The first official reaction is dated July 14 and says: "China expresses its concern about the fate of Chinese Indonesians during the
violence. As a friendly neighbor of Indonesia, China hopes the Indonesian government will take the necessary measures to
guarantee the safety of all Indonesians citizens, including the ethnic Chinese."
"Concern" is the only response to the violence? How can China describes itself as a "friendly neighbor" of Indonesia when Suharto
organized the 1965 massacre of 1 million people, including 300,000 Chinese and forbid the use of the Chinese language and closed all
Chinese schools and newspapers?
The only concern for Beijing was that Suharto would not recognize Taiwan as an independent state. And for that, Beijing agreed to
ignore the massacre of ethnic Chinese. China insists it cannot break its non-intervention policy regarding the internal affairs of a third
country. Yet China is the mother of the culture of Chinese Indonesians. Many parents sent their children to study in China.
The events in Indonesia are not only a tragedy for Chinese Indonesians. There are also a tragedy for all of us Chinese, scattered all
around the world and not being able to rely on China to help and protect us.
INSIDE CHINA TODAY Notes: The Indonesian government has insistently denied that ethnic Chinese were the target of the May
violence in the country. It has also denied the alleged mass-rape of ethnic Chines women, saying the testimonies and pictures
available over the Internet were "fabricated."
Several Chinese women's associations in Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and in the United States have issued strong protests,
organized marches and demonstrations in front of Indonesian diplomatic representations. Letters calling for an investigation and
condemnation have been sent to the United Nations and other international organizations.
China has kept an official and diplomatic tone, calling for a thorough investigation. Beijing is reluctant to appear as "interfering in
Indonesia's internal affairs" as it strongly rejects any criticism of its own treatment of political dissidents, religious and national
minority leader.
As the international dispute turns into a Chinese/Muslim confrontation, Beijing is prudent enough not to allow any demonstrations
at home, where relations between ethnic Chinese and the Muslim minorities, such as the Uighurs, are very tight.
For more on the issue, please see Inside China Today's special report on ethnic Chinese living in Indonesia. [below]
Welcome to Inside China Today's special section on ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, also known as
Yinihuaren. You will find details on the nation's colonial history, evolution of the ethnic Chinese
community in Indonesia and background on internal tensions that lead to the May riots. (Chang
Yuh-shiuan, a five-year-old Indonesian-Chinese girl, holds a poster in Taipei Aug. 3 protesting the raping of ethnic Chinese women
during May rioting in Indonesia.)
The Chinese in Indonesia:
Chinese in Indonesia account for less than 3 percent of the country's 201 million total population.
About 5.4 million people in the country are of Chinese descent. They are often called the "Jews of
South East Asia" because of their success in business and lack of assimilation width the local population.
The collapse of the Indonesian economy has put this successful sector of the community on the front lines. Accused of being
unpatriotic, ethnic Chinese citizens have been targeted and their businesses have been destroyed. Much more dismaying are reports
of organized rapes of Chinese women by unidentified groups. (Chang Yuh-shiuan, a five-year-old Indonesian-Chinese girl, holds a
poster in Taipei Aug. 3 protesting the raping of ethnic Chinese women during May rioting in Indonesia.)
As leaders of Beijing, Taipei, Hong Kong and Singapore react differently to the crisis, nationalism and human rights are considered
along width economic and political interests.
The Chinese in Indonesia: A Colonial Heritage
The history of a Chinese presence in Indonesia is associated width more than 300 years of Dutch rule in the archipelago.
Some isolated groups of Chinese sailors had settled in Indonesia individually in the 17th and 18th centuries. But the wave of Chinese
emigrants to Indonesia started in earnest in the 19th century and increased in the beginning of the 20th century.
In the same way Chinese workers were called to different parts of the world by colonial powers, the Dutch offered poor Chinese
families work in Indonesia's plantations and mines in order to develop the colony's industries.
This Chinese population, called the Totok - or "original" or "pure" Chinese in Indonesia, has since its arrival led a separate way of life
from the Indonesian population. Religion, language, and traditions have been kept alive as the Chinese rebuilt their own communities.
The group was given a special status in the colonial administration. It was encouraged and given privileges for developing local
business. The Chinese rapidly became an economic elite, acting as a middleman between the Dutch and the Indonesian population,
which was banned from running any business.
When Indonesia won its independence from the Netherlands in August 1945, nationalist leader Sukarno assumed power. Since the
Chinese had gained their status from the colonial system, the new Indonesian government denounced the community as opposed to
the interests of the new state. This led to a series of anti-Chinese riots.
Suharto: Chinese Killer and Protector
As a minority, the Chinese suffered from the atrocities led by General Suharto (pictured). But as the regime became less tyrannical
and foreign investment increased, the Chinese and Suharto struck a deal: the dictator would provide protection in exchange for
Chinese economic skills and connections.
After independence in 1945, the leading opposition force to Sukarno was the Indonesian Communist Party. Since the Chinese
community was opposed to Sukarno, they joined de facto the opposition camp, appearing supportive of the Communist movement.
The portrayal of a Chinese community "unity," unified in their support of the Communists, was groundless. Most Chinese had based
their living on private business and were not friendly to Communist ideals.
But the Chinese were now viewed as Communist-friendly in the eyes of the public, and this was used by General Suharto. On Sept.
30, 1965, a military leftist coup d'etat failed. Suharto accused President Sukarno of Communist sympathy and Beijing influence. This
double accusation sealed the fate of Indonesian Communists and the Chinese community.
Suharto officially took power on March 1, 1966 and launched one of the largest civilian massacres of the 20th century. At least
500,000 people were killed, jailed and tortured to death in 1966. The Chinese community lost more than 150,000 members. Massacres
were particularly violent on the island of Bali and in Glodok, Jakarta's Chinatown.
After the end of the massacre, the Suharto regime declared an official program of discrimination against the Chinese community.
Chinese schools, media, publications and signs were prohibited, making Glodok the only Chinatown in the world widthout Chinese
characters. Chinese Indonesians were encouraged to abandon their ethnic names, and the use of Chinese language was prohibited in
public places.
At the same time, quotas in universities were established, and ethnic Chinese were banned from entering the Indonesian
administration.
As Indonesia underwent its Green Revolution and lured foreign investment from the West in the 1980s, the Chinese community once
again saw its salvation in participating in the making of a new economy.
This return to the forefront was tolerated and later encouraged by General Suharto. In 1995, 11 of the top 15 Indonesian companies
were owned by Chinese Indonesians. It is estimated the Chinese control 70 percent of the economy. Chinese business was
encouraged by Suharto for its entrepreneurial expertise. It was protected because most joint ventures width Western companies were
in fact Chinese companies.
The Chinese community created its own lobby around the Suharto family to gain protection and ensure anti-China riots would not be
encouraged by the government.
In return, Suharto eased the anti-China policy still in place. In the mid 1990s, the first Chinese schools were reopened and the public
celebration of the Chinese Lunar New Year was allowed. In 1993, Suharto stated that the public failed to appreciate the benefits of
large private businesses - in other words, the benefits brought by Chinese businesses.
History Repeats Itself: Chinese are the Scapegoats
The fall of Asia's longest dictator has repeated history for the Chinese community. Associated width the former power and richer than
the rest of the population, they have become the target of riots.
On May 21, 1998, Suharto announced he stepped down after 32 years of undisputed rule. The statement was welcome in the country
but the euphoria was short-lived as Indonesia entered its worst economic crisis.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) wanted to impose austerity measures, but they were long delayed by Suharto. His successor
B.J. Habibie finally agreed to carry out some of the reforms, leading to an unprecedented wave of unemployment and inflation.
Partly orchestrated by the government and the army, a campaign accusing the Chinese community of lack of patriotism started in
March. The Chinese were accused of not participating in the IMF-imposed measures. For example, Chinese business groups are said
to send millions of dollars to China and sell off their Indonesian investments.
All those accusations echoed in the official media opened the way for another wave of anti-Chinese riots, similar to those that lead to
the 1966 massacres.
Furthermore, the corrupted Suharto regime is now denounced. Critics point to the link between the Chinese community and the
Suharto clan. As in the early days of independence, the Chinese community appears to Indonesians to be on the wrong side of
history.
According to foreign sources, more than 200 Chinese women have been raped and killed during the May 13-15 riots. The Indonesian
government has been accused of turning a blind eye to the violence. There have also been allegations the rapes were organized by
special anti-Chinese gangs.
Many Chinese shops and houses have been looted, burned and destroyed. The wealthy managed to flee to Singapore, Hong Kong
and other neighboring countries. Yet for the majority of Chinese Indonesians, which usually own a simple family business, buying air
tickets is impossible and their life savings are gone.
Concern in the Region
As part of the Great China, the overseas Chinese community, Chinese Indonesians have deep links to mainland China, Hong Kong,
Taiwan and Singapore. Given the massacre, the neighboring Chinese capitals are compelled to react. While all denounce the riots,
each one sticks to its own policy width regard to its political and ethnic situation.
The first to react was Hong Kong, known for its tradition of democracy and demonstrations. On July 27, a group of Chinese
Indonesians refugees took to the streets, asking for political refugee status in the territory due to fear of more ethnic violence in their
home country.
Indonesian-Hong Kong relations have been strained since the collapse of the first Hong Kong bank which started width the
bankruptcy of an Indonesian taxi company. This event marked the expansion of the Asian financial crisis to Hong Kong.
Taiwan was the next to react. On July 28, a demonstration was organized in front of the Indonesian
representative office in Taipei. The government strongly condemned the riots and women's
organizations have demanded an investigation into the rapes. (Pictured, protesters in Taiwan Aug. 3 hold
posters denouncing violence against ethnic China under Suharto's rule.)
Yet Taiwan has political interests in maintaining good relations width Indonesia. Because of the
permanent rivalry width the mainland, the Kuomintang seeks to develop Taiwanese investments in
other places in Asia to avoid dependence on the mainland.
Taiwanese investment in resource-rich Indonesia has risen substantially in the past years. In addition, the financial crisis has given a
unique opportunity to buy Indonesian companies at cheap prices.
Ultimately, Taipei wishes to upgrade its diplomatic relations. Taiwan has offered a financial aid for Indonesia and some Indonesian
diplomats have called for stronger relations width the island.
Beijing delayed as long as it could any official reaction because of its complex relations width Indonesia. Finally, on July 30, the
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs publicly called on the Indonesian government to investigate the rapes and other atrocities.
After the independence of Indonesia in 1945, part of the Chinese community opted for Chinese citizenship, being technically under
the protection of the People's Republic of China.
In 1967, Suharto froze diplomatic relations width Beijing, accusing China of supporting the Communist guerrillas, who he crushed
when he came to power in 1966. As a result, those Chinese Indonesians became stateless, a situation that still exists today.
Diplomatic relations were reestablished in 1990. Both sides agreed to solve the issue of stateless Chinese Indonesians, but so far little
progress has been made.
Sticking to its policy of non-interference in internal affairs, Beijing is reluctant to openly condemn Jakarta. It also believes strong
criticism would complicate the issue of stateless Chinese in Indonesia.
But two other partly-Chinese states are even more concerned by their anti-Chinese riots: Malaysia and Singapore.
Malaysia has a 35 percent Chinese minority subjected to social and economic restrictions. Restrictions for the ethnic Chinese
population include company ownership, management and access to government contracts.
Malaysia started this special policy in 1970. The New Economic Policy stated 30 percent of the economy must be returned to Malay
hands. The Chinese business community was then forced to sell 30 percent of its stock at discount prices to Malay business people.
The city state of Singapore is 76 percent Chinese. Largely dependent on neighboring Malaysia and Indonesia for food, water,
communication and business relations, it fears a flood of refugees and ethnic tension widthin its own territory.
Singapore, a former British colony, gained its independence from Malaysia in 1965. It is population is 76 percent Chinese, 15 percent
Malay and 6 percent Indian. Relations width Indonesia and Malaysia were strained at the time of independence, leading to terrorist
acts in Singapore.
For many Chinese of the region, Singapore is the Chinese capital and many Chinese Indonesians and Chinese Malaysians have
family members in Singapore. Singapore is a city state and could not handle a massive flow of refugees in case of widespread
anti-Chinese riots in the region.
Chinese Identity
The massacre of ethnic Chinese has spread the Diaoyu syndrome in Chinese societies across Asia. The Diaoyu Islands are a group
of uninhabited small islands located in the East China Sea north of Taiwan and claimed by mainland China, Taiwan and Japan.
Regularly, incidents occur as activists from Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas communities clash width Japanese coast guards. All
claim Chinese sovereignty but raise different flags, a reflection of a divided Chinese nation.
In the case of the Chinese Indonesian, the sense of solidarity among the Chinese is fragile. Suspicion and misunderstanding across
the Taiwan Straits has not been overcome, and it is difficult for the Chinese to speak in one voice. The horror of the atrocities could
be a strong enough reason to come together, but so far there has been no united movement linking Taipei, Hong Kong and Beijing to
address the Indonesian government on the issue.
Looks to me like a bit of propaganda to justify Chinese "diplomacy" in crippled Indonesia. The IMF succeeded in deposing Suharto
and destroying the economy. Look for this important area to be the bone of contention between the world powers.
Posted by: Anthem (AnthemFR@yahoo.com) *
09/08/98 10:32:06 EDT
To: Anthem
Here's the picture that I goofed the html on above. I think it's important in that it illustrates the
propaganda tone of the article. Such sympathetic images are always warning signs because the play
on emotions is a blatant propaganda technique.
From: Anthem (AnthemFR@yahoo.com) *
09/08/98 10:40:09 EDT
To: Anthem
The Riadys are actually Chinese who changed their names to avoid anti-Chinese sentiment which runs rampant in Indonesia.
Many South East Asians think of the Chinese as a merchant class cheating people out of money etc. (sound familiar?)
The fact is that the Chinese have established economic hegemony over Indonesia long ago ...quidam
From: quidam (()) *
09/08/98 10:45:41 EDT
To: quidam
I realize that there are racial problems in SE Asia. I've seen foreign merchants in many parts of the world faced width hostility from the
aboriginals. My point is that it looks like it may be used as a pretext for some heavy handed "diplomacy" as part of China's bid for
hegemony in the region.
From: Anthem (AnthemFR@yahoo.com) *
09/08/98 11:20:42 EDT
To: Anthem
I agree, The Chinese have been ahrd at work establishing the concept that the South China Sea region is really their version of the
Gulf of Mexico.
This establishes their right to the Spratley's and provides them width some foundation to quell unrest in the area much like America's
Monroe Doctrine, allowed the US to "help" our neighbors...
The real enemy of the Chinese historically has been the Mongols (Southern Siberians), Tibetians, Vietnamese, and the Japanese. The
Indians are a recent problem for Communist China. The Koreans have usually been ignored treated as the Slavs of the Far East.
We unfortunately real screwed all of our friends in the area including India which is a functioning democracy albeit crude by our
standards.
The Chinese are going to use their muscle to establish real control over the Sprately's first. They already have a base in the Indian
Ocean, which bothers the Indians to no end. The second move will be to absorb Taiwan, while they continue to make a case that
Ethnic Chinese are being mistreated in Indonesia, and Vietnam.... This is the dawn of the Pacific age, and Clinton helped
them....quidam
From: quidam (()) *
09/08/98 11:39:26 EDT
To: quidam
We unfortunately real screwed all of our friends in the area including India which is a functioning democracy albeit crude by our
standards.
We sure did.
I agree width your prognostication. Events are not precisely predictable, but the general trend looks to be as you describe. It looks like
the players for another "cold war" are moving into position. I find it Orwellian.
From: Anthem (AnthemFR@yahoo.com) *
09/08/98 11:49:35 EDT
To: Anthem
What no-one really understands is that the Chinese are after the Straits of Malacca.
Once the establish dominance over the Straights, they will be able to Strangle the Philipines (ungreatful bastards) the Japanese,
Thailand, Malaysia and South Korea.
The move is inevitable.
And what do we do? we got Al Gore telling the Chinese that the real threat to the world is the Automobile, of course the Chinese in
typical fashion agree.....quidam
From: quidam (()) *
09/08/98 12:03:35 EDT
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