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One of the most frustrating aspects about much of the so-called research into homosexuality is the need to separate the authors political or religious agenda from the facts.This page outlines some of the ways in which authors manipulate data - either because they are ignorant about what they are discussing or because they are deliberately seeking to misrepresent the truth.Be aware of the possibility of all of these techniques whenever you turn to self-proclaimed "expert opinion".We shall add to this page if and when we feel inclined but for the time being we have the following broad topics discussed:
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#1 Call people "homosexual", even if they are not. | |
This probably rates as the greatest fault whenever someone claims to know how homosexuals behave.Before explaining what we mean - we need you to answer this question: Who or what is a homosexual?A simple response would be to say anyone who has sex with someone of their own gender is homosexual. But let's look at this definition using a few examples:
One of the more notorious and fraudulent "researchers" in this regard is Paul Cameron. He makes his living from producing "homosexuality studies" for various groups on the Radical Right and all of his work deliberately sets out to present gay men and women in a poor light. Cameron, a psychologist by training, was actually expelled from his professional body in 1984 because of his continual and unethical misuse of data from legitimate researchers. From Cameron you find the claim, among many, that homosexuals are disproportionately a risk of being a child molester. But, how did he arrive at this claim? (Cameron has not given his methodology for this claim - a fact that makes his figures suspect to begin with. However it is possible to piece together his apparent way of manipulating the data from other information in this "study" and other statements he has made about the claim.). First, Cameron used the percent figure for the number of openly gay men (2%) as the number of "homosexuals". He did not include lesbians, and probably because they almost never molest children. By doing this he made the number of homosexuals as low as possible. Next, Cameron deemed any same-sex contact as being done by "homosexuals" - but for a proportion of opposite-sex contacts he incorporated a special "bisexual factor" that he then subtracted from the "heterosexual" numbers and added to the "homosexual". By doing this he made the number of homosexual attacks as high as possible and the number of heterosexual attacks as low as possible. Finally, he arrived at a figure of 40% for the number of "boys" that are "abused" by men. He did not use the normal definition of "boy" (that is, a male under the age of 14) but instead decided to call every male under the age of 18 a boy. By doing this he was able to add in all those 16-18 year old males who had sex with another guy. He also did not use the usual definition for molestation; Cameron simply said any male under the age of 18 who had sex with another guy - even if willingly - was "molested". He also did not consider the relative ages of the guys involved and consequently, under his definition, two 17 year old boyfriends were counted as two cases of "molestation". Of course, he did not do any of this stretching for cases involving heterosexual activity and by doing this he was able to count a large number of same-sex encounters as a molestation when by any stretch of the imagination they were not. (Regardless of what Cameron thinks, two 17 year old boyfriends do not molest one another when they have sex!) Having now fiddled the definitions in his favour Cameron was then able to do some simple division (40%/2% and 60%/98%) to arrive at a claim that "gays molest children over 30 times higher than normal people".You've probably heard that figure a thousand times because anti-gay groups delight in repeating it - but Paul Cameron is completely wrong and few people realise why because few people understand how he manipulated the data. If Cameron was determined to use the 2% figure which corresponds to the number of openly gay men, then he should have also only counted those cases involving men who are openly gay. That would seem obvious and fortunately, someone already has: [3] This study looked at all cases of sexual assaults involving girls and boys under the age of 14 known to the State child welfare authorities in Denver. There is no reason to believe it is not representative of the US as a whole, and it shows gay men and women to be 3 times less likely to molest a child than is a straight man or woman. Further, if he had wanted to be accurate Cameron would have used the labels "homosexual" and "heterosexual" much more carefully. Again, someone has already done such a study: [4] These figures showed no openly gay men as child molesters. The largest group was overwhelmingly made-up of men who did not have sex with other adults but were instead fixated on children. Of these the vast majority did not care whether they attacked a boy or a girl - opportunity was the only thing that determined which gender they molested. In other words, these people are paedophiles and not either "heterosexual" or "homosexual". The next largest group was largely made up of men who were heterosexual but also attacked children (again without regard for the sex of the victim). A smaller group was largely made up of bisexual men who prefered heterosexual adult sex. What these accurate and verifiable figures from a reputable children's hospital indicate is that those parents concerned about the safety of their children have nothing to fear from the openly gay "Bert and Ernie" couple who move in next door or from an openly gay teacher. (Lesbians present an even lower threat than do gay men). While there are obviously some homosexualy orientated paedophiles such people are a tiny (and detested) minority within the gay and lesbian community. The greatest threat to children comes from those lone men who don't have any sexual relationships with other adults - or from the childs own "heterosexual" fathers, uncles and friends of the parents. [5] Having someone tell you they are gay is actually a very accurate way of knowing that person is extremely unlikely to be a child molester. |
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#2 Use a small sub-group, and claim all gays are like them. | |
One of the oldest tricks in the book is to selectively use quotes or figures relevant to a minoirty of a group and to then claim such a minority is indicative of the group as a whole.
Such a technique becomes more persusive to outsiders if the minorty group is already subject to stereotyping.
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#3 Quote reputable people out of context. | |
It's a simple concept - if you don't have any authority behind your claims it is possible to acquire an aura of respect by weaving the names of reputable scientists into your work.
That, in itself, is often merely self-serving and lazy. Where it becomes fraud is when the reputable scientist is deliberately quoted out of context. Often times the data in the original work will be "massaged" to give a completely contrary result as that claimed originally, the constructed result will be presented... and then the orginal author referenced without mention that they had actually concluded otherwise. Reputable professional bodies take an extremely dim view of such behaviour and - as happened to Paul Cameron - will expell the offender.
Whether the following example breaches such guidelines we do not know, but consider what Dr. J. D. Weinrich had to say about Dr. J. Nicolosi's book Reparative Therapy of Male Homosexuality - a work that forms one of the basis of the new-style "Gays can (and should) change" movement:
"...is particularly weak, weighing in at less than four pages of text. Here, as in several chapters, Nicolosi reviews an area of research and discusses prevalent controversies, but cites only papers which support his point of view or cites them in a way which radically distorts their meaning. Michael Ross, Anke Ehrhardt, Heino Meyer-Bahlburg, John Money, and Thomas Forde Hoult may all be surprised to see their views cited here on Nicolosi's side."As already discussed in Section 1, Paul Cameron made some outrageous and false claims about gay men as child molestors. Proof he is wrong is given by Groth and Birnbaum (1978) as we showed in the second graph in that section drawn from their work. More specifically, these authors themself said clearly in their paper that gays were not a factor in any cases. Yet there as claimed reference in Cameron's work is that study by Groth and Birnbaum - a deliberate misuse of their work but a convienient way to incorporate their reputable names in his "study". Likewise, consider the new life given to a humourous article written in 1987 by Michael Swift for a gay newspaper. It is a parody of the various calls made to "fight the homosexual agenda". Whether the piece appeals to your particular sense of humour will depend on you, but it is clearly obvious what the author set out to create. Many years later an anti-gay Congressman closely connected to the Religious Right placed this article in it's entirety into the Congressional records - and from there it has been presented ad nausem as "proof as documented with the US government" that the mythical homosexual agenda includes converting everyone's sons into radical gays. An example of this can be found here. This, of course, is a complete misrepresentation of both the article's source and it's intention and an attempt to claim validity for your false claims by making a spurious reference to "official government records". [6] |
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#4 Use a number of studies that have different approaches. | |
This is one to be very watchful of if the author claims to have arrived at a conclusion by amalgamating a number of different studies to produce a set of "summary data". There is nothing wrong with doing that - but only if the different studies have a common study basis. We've have already shown in the first section how Paul Cameron is a past master of such manipulation - for his child molestation "research" he continuously used very different sets of numbers from very different studies using entirely unrelated systems of categorization. In order to show how easy this type of fraud is, we did exactly the same thing for one of our pages ("What Christians Do"). Sorry, but we'll leave it to you to work out how we managed to manipulate the outcomes and conclusions without actually manipulating any of the data! | |
#5 Draw in arbitrary boundaries. | |
Dividing a topic into parts and examining only one of them without considering all the other inter-related parts is one way guaranteed to give an incomplete understanding or provide a means of confusing an issue.Breaking subjects down into its component parts is - of course - one of the basic methodologies of scientific examination; and there's nothing wrong with that. An example would be how matter has been studied over time; breaking it down to a molecular level, then to an elemental one and then to the level of atomic components (as so on). This "building block" approach has largely determined our modern understanding of the natural World and has been a great success.Problem arise when the separations are drawn not because a distinct component entity can been seen (and measured) within the larger whole but when those boundaries are drawn for emotional or political reasons and when those arbitrarily set divisions result in a false understanding of how the body as a whole operates. An example of this would be how the ancient Greeks viewed the composition of matter - dividing it into four elements of fire, earth, water and air. They had no basis for assuming this was what everything was made of and of course trying to use this "knowledge" did nothing to help their development of chemistry.In a political environment these divisions are often set in order to divide what someone does like from what they do not. We could consider as an example of this the current debate about the criminal justice system - where such arbitrary boundaries are set between government intervention and social policy.For some, governement intervention to ease the factors associated with crime (poverty, lack of opportunity, unemployment etc) is a "bad thing" but government intervention in the form of extra police, building extra gaols and incarcerating more prisoners at $50,000 each per year is a "good thing". These boundaries are determined by personal emotional and political considerations; and if someone was truly interested in both lowering crime and minimizing the total costs bourne by society they would seek to find the optimal mix of these two types of government intervention - looking at the true costs and the true results of each particular mix without regard to what they liked or disliked.This setting of arbitrary boundaries has had enormous impact on the understanding of sexuality.Most notable, for this page, would have to be the previous view held by the psychiatric profession of homosexuality as a pathological adaptation worthy of attempted treatment (a minority of old-style therapists still hold this view today). For such an opinion to hold a number of conditions would need to be met:
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#6 Present related data as causing the other. | |
This was one of the first (of many) research errors drawn to the attention of Grant's first-year Engineering class. The lecturer used a humourous example and drew the following graph on the whiteboard: Now what does this graph say to you? Is it saying that the politicians gave themselves protective pay rises every time they put up the tax on alcohol? Hopefully, of course you didn't fall for that simple "answer"! The two sets of data are related to each other, but one does not cause the other. The un-told part of the graph is that both taxes on alcohol and politician's salaries were linked to rises in the CPI (that is, inflation). Both the tax and the salaries went up because of inflation - but neither caused the other to occur! The true underlying cause is inflation but one would not be able to read this from the graph alone. There is nothing wrong, as such, with presenting inter-related data when it helps illustrate a point. Where it is wrong is when you claim something is "proved" to cause something else simply because you can draw a neat line graph using the two. Some of the worst examples of this misrepresentation is seen with regards to HIV/AIDS. Often the author will claim homosexuality causes AIDS. This, of course, is pure nonsense - AIDS is caused by a virus (which happened in this instance to be first noticed among men who had sex with other men). The majority of gay men will not become HIV+ or develop AIDS despite having active sex lives. Until the late 1970's HIV had never been recorded and, obviously, men had been having sex with one another well before that time. It is also a fact that lesbian women have the lowest rate of HIV infection of any group. Clearly homosexuality of itself doesn't cause anything of the sort. To claim homosexuality causes AIDS is about as ridiculous as claiming heterosexuality causes women to die from infection after childbirth. |
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Footnotes to the text | ||
[1] | For examples of studies that have reported on the prevalence of self-reported gay or lesbian identity see: Stuart Elliott, A Sharper View of Gay Consumers, N.Y. Times, June 9, 1994, at D-1, D-17 (reporting results of nationwide Yankelovich Monitor survey finding that 5.7% of respondents identified themselves as gay or lesbian); Murray J. Edelman, Understanding the Gay and Lesbian Vote in '92, Pub. Persp., Mar.-Apr. 1993 (reporting exit poll research by the University of Connecticut's Roper Center, finding that between 2.4% and 3.0% of voters in 1992 elections reported that they were lesbian, gay, or bisexual); Results of Poll, S.F. Examiner, June 6, 1989, at A-19, A-20 (6% of nationwide sample self-reported as gay or lesbian in random telephone survey).[Return to table] | |
[2] | The survey author Tom Smith, writing in the Methodological Report #65 (NORC, Feb 92), does discuss some of the problems they faced with getting honest answers from people about their sexual behaviour and he draws attention to inaccuracy in the GSS when estimating what proportion of the population is gay or bisexual. Among other things Smith states that about 24% of people refuse to respond to the survey. Of those that do respond about 10% refuse the sexual questions supplement and of those that take this supplement about 15% refuse to answer all the questions. This means some 42% of people approached do not give a complete answer to questions about sexual behaviour. Smith stated that "low cooperativeness" was the reason. Obviously the estimate of 5% for the proportion of gay people in society could easily be swallowed up and hidden by this 42% refusal rate. The raw data returned from the sexual behaviour survey does have some rather interesting figures in it. Only 79.8% of participants actually stated they were "heterosexual" while 11.9% gave conflicting or confusing answers and 2.9% said they were virgins. Of this 11.9%, 6.7% gave answers that indicated they were be bisexual (or gay?) and 5.1% said they were not virgins but did not specify who they had sex with. The raw data could be interpreted any number of ways - if one was to assume a 25% bias factor (the degree to which gay people might lie in the survey if they participate) you will arrive at a figure of 2.1% for the number of exclusively homosexual men and women. A 50% bias factor would give 3.7%. [Return to table] |
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[3] | Carole Jenny, Thomas A. Roesler & Kimberly L. Poyer, Are Children At Risk for Sexual Abuse by Homosexuals?, 94 Pediatrics 41 (1994).[Return to table] | |
[4] | A. Nicholas Groth & H. Jean Birnbaum, Adult Sexual Orientation and Attraction to Underage Persons, 7 Archives Sexual Behav. 175, 180-81 (1978).[Return to table] | |
[5] | Of further interest to concerned parents would be the long-term and exhaustive study done on this subject by Michael Baurmann. Starting in 1969 Baurmann questioned virtually all of the 8058 victims of sexual assault known to police in Lower Saxony, Germany. From 1979 he also took a random sample of these people and re-interviewed them (including doing a psychological inventory). Baurmann concluded that "homosexual contacts played no important statistical or criminological role". Most of assaults by a man on a boy were later described by the victim as "harmless" and these contacts were almost exclusively without violence or threats. In many cases the victim had actively sought the encounter and often the sexual assault only came to the attention of the police because the parents had complained. This was in marked contrast to those attacks on girls or women which often occurred under extreme duress and commonly resulted in physical injury. When interviewed all those years later many women continued to show psychological injury as a result. All of the attacks that resulted in injury involved girls or women. Baurmann also broke down the assaults into three categories. All male victims were found to be within Category I assaults (involving exhibitionism or "comparitively harmless sexual contact", forming 57% of all assaults). Category II (12%) involved assaults of "a more intense nature" while Category III (31%) included all those in which duress, rape or injury occured. Strangers to the victims committed 93% of cases involving exhibitionism, but in 70% of other types of assaults the assailants were known to or related to the victim. The degree of sexual contact and the psychological injury sustained was highly correlated to how well the assailant was known to the victim. Incest formed 8% of cases. Baurmann concluded that 80% to 90% of sexual assaults were done against girls or women and that in nearly all cases the perpetrator would be male. This study, properly, does not deny the potential for harm to any victim but does perhaps help place many of the fears of parents into perspective. [Return to table] |
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[6] | Of course, the Congressional records are merely that - a record of what was said. The records do not make any claim to respresent either facts, the truth or official policy. Politicians can table anything they feel like. [Return to table] |
URL: http://geocities.datacellar.net/WestHollywood/7378/ New format posted January 13, 1998 This page revised 18 August 1998 |