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One of the most frustrating aspects about much of the so-called research into homosexuality is the need to separate the authors political or religious agenda from the facts.

This page outlines some of the ways in which authors manipulate data - either because they are ignorant about what they are discussing or because they are deliberately seeking to misrepresent the truth.

Be aware of the possibility of all of these techniques whenever you turn to self-proclaimed "expert opinion".

We shall add to this page if and when we feel inclined but for the time being we have the following broad topics discussed:

  1. Call people "homosexual", even if they are not.
  2. Use a small sub-group, and claim all gays are like them.
  3. Quote reputable people out of context.
  4. Use a number of studies that have different approaches.
  5. Draw in arbitrary boundaries.
  6. Present related data as causing the other.

 

 

#1   Call people "homosexual", even if they are not.
This probably rates as the greatest fault whenever someone claims to know how homosexuals behave.

Before explaining what we mean - we need you to answer this question:

     Who or what is a homosexual?

A simple response would be to say anyone who has sex with someone of their own gender is homosexual. But let's look at this definition using a few examples:

  1. A young man is only sexually attracted to other men but he is still a virgin.

  2. A woman has only ever had lesbian relationships but isn't having sex with anyone at the moment.

  3. A man has only ever had sex with other men. He is HIV+ and has chosen to be celibate as a result.

  4. A woman experimented with men in her teens but feels sexually attracted only to other women. She is in a stable and monogamous lesbian relationship.

  5. A man is sexually attracted to both men and women but apart from one or two experiences with other men only has sex with his wife.

  6. A woman is sexually attracted to both men and women and is married to a guy. As a couple they use the Personal Columns seek out other women for 3-way sexual encounters.

  7. A man, for religious reasons, decides to be celibate but continues to fantacise about having sex with other men (although he denies this in public). Prior to this decision he had been in a gay relationship and has had sex with many men since his adolesence.

  8. A woman, for religious reasons, decides to get married and only have sex with her husband but continues to fantacise about having sex with other women. Prior to this she had both homosexual and heterosexual experiences.

  9. A man is happily married with children but also has sex with other men in secret (always anonymously and usually in toilet blocks or in parks at night). None of his family or friends either knows or guesses he has sex with other men and he would be horrified if they ever found out.

OK... now where do all these people fit in the definition given above? Who would you call "homosexual"?

If you had any sense you'd probably say some are homosexual, some are "a little bit" homosexual and some are "largely" homosexual. Perhaps you may even say some are bisexual, or that some just experimented against their true sexual orientation.

  • Obviously, gay men and women also start off as virgins - but not having had sex doesn't make them heterosexual.

  • Obviously, gay and women can also go through periods of not having sex (either by choice or circumstances) - but this doesn't make them heterosexual

  • Obviously, people can hide some but not all of their lives from public view

Clearly it's not enough to define someone as "homosexual" only because of any activities you know about. In fact, only a small proportion of men or women who are sexually attracted to their own gender are what could be called "openly gay" - that is, others know the person is exclusively (or near exclusively) attracted to the the same sex both physically and emotionally and know that the person is living as a gay man or woman.

Clearly it's also inaccurate to call someone homosexual only when they are actually having sex with someone of their same gender. A bisexual is not a person who is a homosexual one minute and a heterosexual the next!

Here's the rough breakdown of the sexual orientation/behaviours of men; first noted by Kinsey and confirmed by later studies: [1]

     

Much has been said from some groups to try and discredit Kinsey's work. Often you will hear the claim that the General Social Survey from the US has shown only about 1% (or less) of people are "homosexual".

But what - tucked away in some of the fine print - does the GSS actually find? [2]

     

If less than 1% of the population is "homosexual" ... then what the heck are are these "heterosexual" men doing having sex with other men? OK, so they don't call themselves gay - but their behaviour indicates they are anything but 100% straight!

You are likely to also hear reference from these groups to "the Batelle Study that found less than 1% of people were homosexual". (Tellingly, the Batelle Study authors have come out and stated that their study is not approporiate for such purposes after their attention was drawn to the way some anti-gay groups were misusing the survey results).

However, for both these widely quoted surveys such anti-gay groups are playing with words and misrepresenting figures.

Wide-area surveys, such as the GSS and Batelle, are notoriously inaccurate for uncovering such information.

  • The surveys are typically done door-to-door by strangers. Only completely openly gay men and women will tell a stranger they are gay. The Batelle study actually required participants to give their Social Security number and the name of their employer!

  • The rate of refusing to participate is often very high - 20% to 30% is not uncommon. Obviously those people most keen to remain private will be most likely to refuse to participate.

  • Closeted gay or bisexual people will participate, but lie on the survey forms.

  • Closeted gay or bisexual people will participate, but not answer certain questions. For example the 1989 GSS "found" 0.6% of people to be "homosexual" and 4.9% to be "bisexual" - but what is not immediately obvious from this claim is that actually 11.9% of people deliberately did not answer those questions fully.

  • Those gay men and women who are most likely to tell an interviwer that they are gay tend to live in small areas within the larger cities. If the survey does not include these areas it will not reflect the true picture. The GSS has attempted to defend it's methodology by stating that it did include New York - but this will achieve nothing if they fail to specifically include any of the "gay ghettos". Depending on where you did a survey in San Francisco you could find the city to be 1% gay, or 70%!

Now we hope we've convinced you to beware of surveys that claim to know just how many people are homosexual (or gay) - we will show why it is important to know where the numbers come from that are used to make comparison studies between heterosexual and homosexuals.

One of the more notorious and fraudulent "researchers" in this regard is Paul Cameron. He makes his living from producing "homosexuality studies" for various groups on the Radical Right and all of his work deliberately sets out to present gay men and women in a poor light. Cameron, a psychologist by training, was actually expelled from his professional body in 1984 because of his continual and unethical misuse of data from legitimate researchers.

From Cameron you find the claim, among many, that homosexuals are disproportionately a risk of being a child molester. But, how did he arrive at this claim?

(Cameron has not given his methodology for this claim - a fact that makes his figures suspect to begin with. However it is possible to piece together his apparent way of manipulating the data from other information in this "study" and other statements he has made about the claim.).

First, Cameron used the percent figure for the number of openly gay men (2%) as the number of "homosexuals". He did not include lesbians, and probably because they almost never molest children. By doing this he made the number of homosexuals as low as possible.

Next, Cameron deemed any same-sex contact as being done by "homosexuals" - but for a proportion of opposite-sex contacts he incorporated a special "bisexual factor" that he then subtracted from the "heterosexual" numbers and added to the "homosexual". By doing this he made the number of homosexual attacks as high as possible and the number of heterosexual attacks as low as possible.

Finally, he arrived at a figure of 40% for the number of "boys" that are "abused" by men. He did not use the normal definition of "boy" (that is, a male under the age of 14) but instead decided to call every male under the age of 18 a boy. By doing this he was able to add in all those 16-18 year old males who had sex with another guy. He also did not use the usual definition for molestation; Cameron simply said any male under the age of 18 who had sex with another guy - even if willingly - was "molested". He also did not consider the relative ages of the guys involved and consequently, under his definition, two 17 year old boyfriends were counted as two cases of "molestation". Of course, he did not do any of this stretching for cases involving heterosexual activity and by doing this he was able to count a large number of same-sex encounters as a molestation when by any stretch of the imagination they were not. (Regardless of what Cameron thinks, two 17 year old boyfriends do not molest one another when they have sex!)

Having now fiddled the definitions in his favour Cameron was then able to do some simple division (40%/2% and 60%/98%) to arrive at a claim that "gays molest children over 30 times higher than normal people".

You've probably heard that figure a thousand times because anti-gay groups delight in repeating it - but Paul Cameron is completely wrong and few people realise why because few people understand how he manipulated the data.

If Cameron was determined to use the 2% figure which corresponds to the number of openly gay men, then he should have also only counted those cases involving men who are openly gay. That would seem obvious and fortunately, someone already has: [3]

     

This study looked at all cases of sexual assaults involving girls and boys under the age of 14 known to the State child welfare authorities in Denver. There is no reason to believe it is not representative of the US as a whole, and it shows gay men and women to be 3 times less likely to molest a child than is a straight man or woman.

Further, if he had wanted to be accurate Cameron would have used the labels "homosexual" and "heterosexual" much more carefully. Again, someone has already done such a study: [4]

     

These figures showed no openly gay men as child molesters.

The largest group was overwhelmingly made-up of men who did not have sex with other adults but were instead fixated on children. Of these the vast majority did not care whether they attacked a boy or a girl - opportunity was the only thing that determined which gender they molested. In other words, these people are paedophiles and not either "heterosexual" or "homosexual".

The next largest group was largely made up of men who were heterosexual but also attacked children (again without regard for the sex of the victim). A smaller group was largely made up of bisexual men who prefered heterosexual adult sex.

What these accurate and verifiable figures from a reputable children's hospital indicate is that those parents concerned about the safety of their children have nothing to fear from the openly gay "Bert and Ernie" couple who move in next door or from an openly gay teacher. (Lesbians present an even lower threat than do gay men). While there are obviously some homosexualy orientated paedophiles such people are a tiny (and detested) minority within the gay and lesbian community.

The greatest threat to children comes from those lone men who don't have any sexual relationships with other adults - or from the childs own "heterosexual" fathers, uncles and friends of the parents. [5]

Having someone tell you they are gay is actually a very accurate way of knowing that person is extremely unlikely to be a child molester.
#2   Use a small sub-group, and claim all gays are like them.
One of the oldest tricks in the book is to selectively use quotes or figures relevant to a minoirty of a group and to then claim such a minority is indicative of the group as a whole.

Such a technique becomes more persusive to outsiders if the minorty group is already subject to stereotyping.

  • It is extremely common to see reference to the activities of fringe groups such as ACT-UP or Lesbian Avengers as being representative of all gay men and women. They are not.

  • Anyone who has attended a Pride Day will know just how "normal" everyone seems apart from small numbers of "different" (and welcomed) groups representing anything from brightly dressed Drag Queens to big fat and hairy Leather Bears. Should you turn to the TV News that night you'd be forgiven for wondering if you'd even been at the same parade as the camera crew. The media seems only interested in showing the more colourful elements within the community and maybe the rest of us are just too boring to make the story interesting, but it hardly gives a representative view of the celebrations.

  • Studies have shown both gay and straight men have about 13 sexual partners during their lifetime. Studies have also shown straight women have about 6 and lesbians about 3. Yet you'll hear a frequent claim that "gays" have on average over 500 sexual partners and that nearly a third have over 1000. You can trace this fraud back again to that malicious Paul Cameron - he mispresented a small study deliberately done on promiscuous gay men in the early 1980's as being indicative of all gay men (It was part of a study done on HIV/AIDS). Frankly, that's about as accurate as using a small group of hard-working prostitutes to represent the sexual behaviour of all women.

  • To use Cameron again - he claims to have also discovered that homosexuality cuts "30 years off your life" and that this fall in life expectancy has little to do with AIDS. This particular effort of his took the form of reading the obituaries in gay papers and then comparing the age at death with the average lifespan. What he failed to explain was that the obituaries for most gay men are not placed in the gay papers - such notices are usually only placed to annouce the death of high profile individuals from the bar or club scenes and usually only if the death was tragic or unexpected. Obviously the bar and club scene is dominated by younger gays and deaths seen as tragic or unexpected tend to be viewed this way because the person was young. There is therefore an obviously clear bias in Cameron's sample - and one he has chosen not to note in his publication.

  • The psychiatric and psychological professions held for many years that homosexuality was a form of mental illness. The fact that it had done so even before conducting any study on the subject is evidence that the original opinion was formed because of political and cultural considerations and not medical knowledge but it took many decades before therapists started to doubt their assumptions. It took many decades because the only gay men and women publically seen were those who presented for clinical treatment. (The bulk of homosexuals remained invisible because to be homosexual was both a criminal offence and would have resulted in severe social sanctions.) Psychiatrists, who only met gay men and women as patients, falsely concluded that this small sub-group were representative of all gays and that all gays were mentally ill. As this was in accord with their pre-held notions about homosexuality they did not see any reason to doubt their opinions. The Gay Liberation movement of the 1970's which encouraged many non-patient gays to "come out" changed professional views fairly rapidly!

#3   Quote reputable people out of context.
It's a simple concept - if you don't have any authority behind your claims it is possible to acquire an aura of respect by weaving the names of reputable scientists into your work.

That, in itself, is often merely self-serving and lazy. Where it becomes fraud is when the reputable scientist is deliberately quoted out of context. Often times the data in the original work will be "massaged" to give a completely contrary result as that claimed originally, the constructed result will be presented... and then the orginal author referenced without mention that they had actually concluded otherwise. Reputable professional bodies take an extremely dim view of such behaviour and - as happened to Paul Cameron - will expell the offender.

Whether the following example breaches such guidelines we do not know, but consider what Dr. J. D. Weinrich had to say about Dr. J. Nicolosi's book Reparative Therapy of Male Homosexuality - a work that forms one of the basis of the new-style "Gays can (and should) change" movement:

"...is particularly weak, weighing in at less than four pages of text. Here, as in several chapters, Nicolosi reviews an area of research and discusses prevalent controversies, but cites only papers which support his point of view or cites them in a way which radically distorts their meaning. Michael Ross, Anke Ehrhardt, Heino Meyer-Bahlburg, John Money, and Thomas Forde Hoult may all be surprised to see their views cited here on Nicolosi's side."

As already discussed in Section 1, Paul Cameron made some outrageous and false claims about gay men as child molestors. Proof he is wrong is given by Groth and Birnbaum (1978) as we showed in the second graph in that section drawn from their work. More specifically, these authors themself said clearly in their paper that gays were not a factor in any cases. Yet there as claimed reference in Cameron's work is that study by Groth and Birnbaum - a deliberate misuse of their work but a convienient way to incorporate their reputable names in his "study".

Likewise, consider the new life given to a humourous article written in 1987 by Michael Swift for a gay newspaper. It is a parody of the various calls made to "fight the homosexual agenda". Whether the piece appeals to your particular sense of humour will depend on you, but it is clearly obvious what the author set out to create. Many years later an anti-gay Congressman closely connected to the Religious Right placed this article in it's entirety into the Congressional records - and from there it has been presented ad nausem as "proof as documented with the US government" that the mythical homosexual agenda includes converting everyone's sons into radical gays. An example of this can be found here. This, of course, is a complete misrepresentation of both the article's source and it's intention and an attempt to claim validity for your false claims by making a spurious reference to "official government records". [6]

#4   Use a number of studies that have different approaches.
This is one to be very watchful of if the author claims to have arrived at a conclusion by amalgamating a number of different studies to produce a set of "summary data".

There is nothing wrong with doing that - but only if the different studies have a common study basis.

We've have already shown in the first section how Paul Cameron is a past master of such manipulation - for his child molestation "research" he continuously used very different sets of numbers from very different studies using entirely unrelated systems of categorization.

In order to show how easy this type of fraud is, we did exactly the same thing for one of our pages ("What Christians Do"). Sorry, but we'll leave it to you to work out how we managed to manipulate the outcomes and conclusions without actually manipulating any of the data!
#5   Draw in arbitrary boundaries.
Dividing a topic into parts and examining only one of them without considering all the other inter-related parts is one way guaranteed to give an incomplete understanding or provide a means of confusing an issue.

Breaking subjects down into its component parts is - of course - one of the basic methodologies of scientific examination; and there's nothing wrong with that. An example would be how matter has been studied over time; breaking it down to a molecular level, then to an elemental one and then to the level of atomic components (as so on). This "building block" approach has largely determined our modern understanding of the natural World and has been a great success.

Problem arise when the separations are drawn not because a distinct component entity can been seen (and measured) within the larger whole but when those boundaries are drawn for emotional or political reasons and when those arbitrarily set divisions result in a false understanding of how the body as a whole operates. An example of this would be how the ancient Greeks viewed the composition of matter - dividing it into four elements of fire, earth, water and air. They had no basis for assuming this was what everything was made of and of course trying to use this "knowledge" did nothing to help their development of chemistry.

In a political environment these divisions are often set in order to divide what someone does like from what they do not. We could consider as an example of this the current debate about the criminal justice system - where such arbitrary boundaries are set between government intervention and social policy.

For some, governement intervention to ease the factors associated with crime (poverty, lack of opportunity, unemployment etc) is a "bad thing" but government intervention in the form of extra police, building extra gaols and incarcerating more prisoners at $50,000 each per year is a "good thing". These boundaries are determined by personal emotional and political considerations; and if someone was truly interested in both lowering crime and minimizing the total costs bourne by society they would seek to find the optimal mix of these two types of government intervention - looking at the true costs and the true results of each particular mix without regard to what they liked or disliked.

This setting of arbitrary boundaries has had enormous impact on the understanding of sexuality.

Most notable, for this page, would have to be the previous view held by the psychiatric profession of homosexuality as a pathological adaptation worthy of attempted treatment (a minority of old-style therapists still hold this view today). For such an opinion to hold a number of conditions would need to be met:

  • that a homosexual would be something else (ie heterosexual) without this adaption
  • that in the absense of particular environmental factors the person would not be homosexual
  • that the pathology could be measured against what is assumed as a non-pathological state
  • that homosexuality could be measured as detrimental of and by itself

It was not until the late 1950's before the assumption that homosexuality was a pathological condition was finally challanged and it took another 15 years before the American professional body could be convinced that their assumption was wrong. The assumption of pathology fell apart because of the following:

  • despite many years of attempting to find them no particular environmental factors emerged that could "explain" homosexuality. Theories about family environments etc did not match up to family histories and dynamics of gay men and women as a group (in fact, the opposite became known - gay men and women have the same overall family backgrounds as do heterosexuals)
  • studies showed the proportion of homosexuals within the population was the same across many diverse societies and cultures
  • attempts at "curing" homosexuality proved dismal failures. All sorts of "treatments" were tried, and none of them worked. Many such "cures" proved worse for the individual than did the "illness"!
  • homosexuals as a group did not differ from heterosexuals as a group, apart from the obvious! The psychological profiles of both groups did not differ apart from things directly caused by being assumed as "sick" in the first place (greater stress, depression and anxiety being the clearest examples). Under examination it was impossible for professional therapists to distinguish between homosexuals and heterosexuals using the standard tests that could identify between pathological and non-pathological heterosexuals.
  • it became clear that the overwhelming majority of gay men and women did indeed live healthy and productive lives despite the enormous pressures placed upon them
  • it became clear that the problems faced by homosexuals in their lives were a result of being part of a misunderstood and hated minority group. Homosexuality did not cause the problems of stress/depression etc - what caused this was elevating heterosexuality to it's postion as the only valid and respected means of sexual expression
  • to deem homosexuality pathological because the gay individual knows it will cause offense to some but nevertheless persists with the activity would require proving that homosexuals have some psychic need to cause offense to others. It is clear that this is not the case and the overwhelming majority of gay men and women would rather be permitted to live quietly and without causing offense. A suitable response to such claims that it is we who deliberately provoke and ofend people was put perfectly by Scott Safier:
    "You have offended yourself. I have done nothing but exist."

The debate that occurred before homosexuality was finally deleted as a mental illness did much to further the whole understanding of what is "pathological" and has greatly aided the treatment of true mental illness. No longer, for example, can a professional remain unchallanged when they declare someone as "sick" simply because what their patient does is not the norm.

We can see this setting of such arbitrary boundaries at work in that poplar expression used by conservative Christians - "Love the sinner, but hate the sin" (or as it is sometimes said "I love homosexuals but I hate homosexuality").

Such a division is nonsense, and has its origin in a need by conservative Christians to feel that they are not at heart a hateful or bigotted person. These patent sayings provide comfort to some people and support them in their social and political endevours and "Love the sinner, hate the sin" certainly wasn't coined for our benefit.

Logically, a homosexual is a homosexual only because of their homosexuality. The two cannot be separated. As with heterosexuality this "condition" is distiguished by emotional, affectional, relational and behavioural responses that are integral to the very humanity of the person.

The "homosexual behaviour" that so many object to is not something that occurs in isolation to the rest of a gay man or woman's life. How and when this behaviour occurs takes many forms (as does heterosexual behaviour) but it cannot be set apart from those emotional, affectional and relational responses.

For this reason homosexual behaviour is indeed very different to behaviour caused by social or pathological reasons (such as choice of haircut, theft or mass murder). More the point - it does not of itself either harm the individual or harm other people.

To seek to separate the gay individual from one component of their human identity is do anything but love the homosexual.

Gay men and women do not believe someone when they claim to love us but also claim to hate homosexuality. The majority of us find such expressions offensive, delusional and false.
#6   Present related data as causing the other.
This was one of the first (of many) research errors drawn to the attention of Grant's first-year Engineering class. The lecturer used a humourous example and drew the following graph on the whiteboard:

     

Now what does this graph say to you? Is it saying that the politicians gave themselves protective pay rises every time they put up the tax on alcohol?

Hopefully, of course you didn't fall for that simple "answer"!

The two sets of data are related to each other, but one does not cause the other. The un-told part of the graph is that both taxes on alcohol and politician's salaries were linked to rises in the CPI (that is, inflation). Both the tax and the salaries went up because of inflation - but neither caused the other to occur! The true underlying cause is inflation but one would not be able to read this from the graph alone.

There is nothing wrong, as such, with presenting inter-related data when it helps illustrate a point. Where it is wrong is when you claim something is "proved" to cause something else simply because you can draw a neat line graph using the two.

Some of the worst examples of this misrepresentation is seen with regards to HIV/AIDS. Often the author will claim homosexuality causes AIDS. This, of course, is pure nonsense - AIDS is caused by a virus (which happened in this instance to be first noticed among men who had sex with other men).

The majority of gay men will not become HIV+ or develop AIDS despite having active sex lives. Until the late 1970's HIV had never been recorded and, obviously, men had been having sex with one another well before that time. It is also a fact that lesbian women have the lowest rate of HIV infection of any group. Clearly homosexuality of itself doesn't cause anything of the sort.

To claim homosexuality causes AIDS is about as ridiculous as claiming heterosexuality causes women to die from infection after childbirth.

 

Footnotes to the text
[1] For examples of studies that have reported on the prevalence of self-reported gay or lesbian identity see: Stuart Elliott, A Sharper View of Gay Consumers, N.Y. Times, June 9, 1994, at D-1, D-17 (reporting results of nationwide Yankelovich Monitor survey finding that 5.7% of respondents identified themselves as gay or lesbian); Murray J. Edelman, Understanding the Gay and Lesbian Vote in '92, Pub. Persp., Mar.-Apr. 1993 (reporting exit poll research by the University of Connecticut's Roper Center, finding that between 2.4% and 3.0% of voters in 1992 elections reported that they were lesbian, gay, or bisexual); Results of Poll, S.F. Examiner, June 6, 1989, at A-19, A-20 (6% of nationwide sample self-reported as gay or lesbian in random telephone survey).[Return to table]

[2] The survey author Tom Smith, writing in the Methodological Report #65 (NORC, Feb 92), does discuss some of the problems they faced with getting honest answers from people about their sexual behaviour and he draws attention to inaccuracy in the GSS when estimating what proportion of the population is gay or bisexual. Among other things Smith states that about 24% of people refuse to respond to the survey. Of those that do respond about 10% refuse the sexual questions supplement and of those that take this supplement about 15% refuse to answer all the questions. This means some 42% of people approached do not give a complete answer to questions about sexual behaviour. Smith stated that "low cooperativeness" was the reason. Obviously the estimate of 5% for the proportion of gay people in society could easily be swallowed up and hidden by this 42% refusal rate.

The raw data returned from the sexual behaviour survey does have some rather interesting figures in it. Only 79.8% of participants actually stated they were "heterosexual" while 11.9% gave conflicting or confusing answers and 2.9% said they were virgins. Of this 11.9%, 6.7% gave answers that indicated they were be bisexual (or gay?) and 5.1% said they were not virgins but did not specify who they had sex with. The raw data could be interpreted any number of ways - if one was to assume a 25% bias factor (the degree to which gay people might lie in the survey if they participate) you will arrive at a figure of 2.1% for the number of exclusively homosexual men and women. A 50% bias factor would give 3.7%. [Return to table]

[3] Carole Jenny, Thomas A. Roesler & Kimberly L. Poyer, Are Children At Risk for Sexual Abuse by Homosexuals?, 94 Pediatrics 41 (1994).[Return to table]

[4] A. Nicholas Groth & H. Jean Birnbaum, Adult Sexual Orientation and Attraction to Underage Persons, 7 Archives Sexual Behav. 175, 180-81 (1978).[Return to table]

[5] Of further interest to concerned parents would be the long-term and exhaustive study done on this subject by Michael Baurmann. Starting in 1969 Baurmann questioned virtually all of the 8058 victims of sexual assault known to police in Lower Saxony, Germany. From 1979 he also took a random sample of these people and re-interviewed them (including doing a psychological inventory).

Baurmann concluded that "homosexual contacts played no important statistical or criminological role". Most of assaults by a man on a boy were later described by the victim as "harmless" and these contacts were almost exclusively without violence or threats. In many cases the victim had actively sought the encounter and often the sexual assault only came to the attention of the police because the parents had complained.

This was in marked contrast to those attacks on girls or women which often occurred under extreme duress and commonly resulted in physical injury. When interviewed all those years later many women continued to show psychological injury as a result. All of the attacks that resulted in injury involved girls or women.

Baurmann also broke down the assaults into three categories. All male victims were found to be within Category I assaults (involving exhibitionism or "comparitively harmless sexual contact", forming 57% of all assaults). Category II (12%) involved assaults of "a more intense nature" while Category III (31%) included all those in which duress, rape or injury occured. Strangers to the victims committed 93% of cases involving exhibitionism, but in 70% of other types of assaults the assailants were known to or related to the victim. The degree of sexual contact and the psychological injury sustained was highly correlated to how well the assailant was known to the victim. Incest formed 8% of cases.

Baurmann concluded that 80% to 90% of sexual assaults were done against girls or women and that in nearly all cases the perpetrator would be male. This study, properly, does not deny the potential for harm to any victim but does perhaps help place many of the fears of parents into perspective.[Return to table]

[6] Of course, the Congressional records are merely that - a record of what was said. The records do not make any claim to respresent either facts, the truth or official policy. Politicians can table anything they feel like. [Return to table]

 

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