| In the past decade, many Hong Kong Chinese have placed migration and
the possession of a foreign passport at the top of their list of having
a sense of well-being and security. The 1989 Tiananmen crackdown in Beijing
as well as the British hand over of the colony to communist Chinese rule
in 1997 have encouraged much emigration from Hong Kong to countries like
Australia where a more stable democratic system is offered. As of 1996,
the estimated total population of Australia was 18.05 million of which
91,300 were born in Hong Kong (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1997).
Close to two thirds of these migrants arrived in the last six years alone.
The number of Hong Kong migrants who arrive in Australia has averaged at
around 4,000 per year, with the exception of the period following the Tiananmen
incident when the number increased to an average of 10,000 per year (up
to 1993). Most arrivals from Hong Kong enter Australia with successful
permanent residency applications rather than as refugees. Many have also
been successfully granted residency under the "business migration" category.
In 1995-1996, 33% of the 1171 successful business migrant applications
worldwide were issued to Hong Kong residents and their families. The Department
of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (1997) expect that 500 more Hong
Kong business migrant applicants will be granted visas this year, bringing
into Australia another $780 million. Well over half of the Hong Kong-born
population in Australia live in New South Wales, followed by 22% in Victoria,
8% in Queensland, 6% in W.A. and the remaining in other states. Kee (1988)
suggests that Hong Kong migrants are likely to be highly represented in
computer and accounting professions, however, unemployment rates among
the group are comparable to that of Australia as a whole.
The adaptation of Hong Kong migrants to Australia usually takes some time. According to Sharp (1992), it takes two or three years before new migrants start to feel comfortable and begin to fit in the new environment. In order to adapt, migrants are required to take on new values and beliefs that are different from their own. This acculturation process is the phenomenon whereby "sooner or later, immigrants come to understand better the norms and values, and to adopt salient reference groups of the host society" (Kim, 1977). They must suspend or modify some of their old cultural ways, and learn and accommodate some of the new cultural ways in order to successfully adapt. Kim (1988) suggests the potential to adapt is promoted by the preparedness for change, including the psychological readiness and familiarity with the host culture during the initial period of adaptation in the new environment. Subsequently, Hong Kong migrants need to be aware of the culture shock phenomenon and the stress inherent in moving to a new culture. Migrants should also acquire a knowledge of the values held in Australia without being ethnocentric and stereotypical, and try to take on these values either in place of or along with those previously learned from their own culture. Importantly, migrants need to be motivated to adapt and make Australia their permanent home. By increased communication with locals and the use of local mass media, migrants will also be able to learn more about and better adapt to their new home. To assist in such interactions, it is vital not only for migrants to develop a degree of competency in the English spoken in Australia but also an understanding of its variations including the accent and slangs. AWARENESS OF CULTURE SHOCK All migrants experience some form of culture shock when they move to a new country as newcomers have to learn the smallest things all over again, resulting in feelings of distress, helplessness and even hostility towards the new environment (Hofstede, 1991). New migrants are confronted by new information and patterns of behavior, and must learn different ways of thinking and behaving. As a result of cultural changes, most will experience culture shock. Initially, new migrants are not sure of how to behave and will subsequently experience feelings of anxiety (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1987). Culture shock is similar to stress and anxiety but the concept particularly describes the unique feelings a person experiences during the first weeks to over a year after entering a new culture. According to Kim and Ruben (1988), culture shock is "part and parcel of the intercultural adaptation cycle" (p.311) and is neither positive nor negative, but an inevitable part of the intercultural process which facilitates adaptation. They suggest that new environmental challenges threaten one’s internal equilibrium which in turn causes stress. Yet as a result, individuals will strive to meet new challenges and reduce the feelings of stress through adaptive activities. Individuals then evolve and grow, and eventually learns to see through "new eyes" (p.310). Over time, there will be less stress experienced and adaptation facilitated. Hong Kong migrants should be aware of the stages of adjustment they are likely to go through when moving to Australia. According to Weissman and Furnham (1987, cited in Moghaddam, Taylor & Wright, 1993), having some expectations and knowledge of culture shock is beneficial to more effective adjustment. Similarly, Rogers and Ward (1993) suggest that migrants should over-prepare themselves for culture shock in order to minimise stress upon arrival in the new country. Oberg (1960, cited in Kim & Ruben, 1988) describes four stages of adjustment to include: the honeymoon stage, which is characterised by excitement and optimism; the hostility stage in which newcomers hold stereotyped attitudes toward the host society; the recovery stage which is characterised by increased language competence and knowledge of the host culture; and finally, when adjustment and adaptation is as complete as possible. In addition, the author (cited in Dodd, 1987) lists some culture shock symptoms which migrants should take note of, including excessive concern over cleanliness, feeling of helplessness and withdrawal, fear of being cheated and robbed, a glazed stare, desire for home and friends, loneliness, frustration, paranoia, and defensive communication. To overcome culture shock effects, Hong Kong migrants should avoid being overly frustrated and learn to control their emotions. In addition to increased communication and knowledge of Australian culture values, having a motivation to adapt will also help to minimise stress and facilitate successful adjustment. MOTIVATION TO ADAPT Hong Kong migrants must be motivated to adapt to living in Australia and making it their new home. Kim (1988) suggests that a migrant’s motivation to adapt to the host culture is crucial to the acculturation process. The willingness to learn about and participate in the host sociocultural system is a positive orientation to the host environment and will facilitate acculturation: "by developing a strong motivation to adapt, the immigrant becomes positively oriented and accepts the norms and rules of the host culture" (p.350). Migrants differ in their motivation to adapt to the new environment and to make the host society their new home, depending largely on the degree of permanence of the new residence (Kim, 1988). According to Dyal and Dyal (1981), the more permanent the relocation, the greater the anxiety felt. For Hong Kong migrants who plan to settle permanently in Australia, the stress they will face would be even greater than for those who are only staying temporarily. In order to reduce these feelings of stress, Hong Kong migrants should be motivated to accept new values and develop new ways of seeing, hearing and understanding in Australia. In this way, migrants will be more able to make sense of the new environment and informationally fit themselves into it (Ruben, 1975 cited in Gudykunst & Kim, 1992). According to Gudykunst and Kim (1984, cited in Gudykunst & Hammer, 1987), some knowledge of the host culture can foster more accurate prediction of the behavior of people from another culture, therefore, reduce migrants’ feelings of anxiety. Moghaddam et al. (1993) suggest that beyond simply adjusting to the demands of a new environment, permanent residents of a new culture may come to identify with the host culture not simply to function happily and effectively, but also become part of it. This "taking on" of a new cultural identity involves the integration of the values and beliefs of the culture into one’s own understanding of the world. Understanding Australia’s values and beliefs without being stereotypical and judgmental can help immigrants in their adaptation and acculturation with reduced stress. ETHNOCENTRISM AND STEREOTYPES Migrants from Hong Kong must try to avoid being stereotypical and ethnocentric while making an effort to understand the values held by Australians. According to Brewer (1979), ethnocentrism is "the technical name for the view of things in which one’s own group is the center of everything, and others are scaled and rated with reference to it" (p.88). When migrants are ethnocentric, they tend to see themselves as superior and believe that their standards and values are true and universal. Dodd (1985, cited in Dodd, 1987) states that individuals that are highly ethnocentric are less likely to adjust well during a transitional experience. Gudykunst and Hammer (1984) also suggest that ethnocentrism leads to less effective encounters with those from other cultures. During the initial phases of adaptation, a migrant’s perception of the host culture can also be relatively simple, and gross stereotypes are salient (Kim, 1991). According to Sharp (1992), "Asians are most likely persuaded that the typical Australian is... racist, besides being lazy or on the dole, and totally incompetent because they cannot seem to make as much money as (Asians) can" (p.11). However as migrants learn more about the host culture, they will be more able to detect the variations in the host environment. Hong Kong migrants must be open to and accept Australia’s values and beliefs should they want to adapt and successfully be part of the new culture. DIFFERENCES IN VALUES According to Kim (1991), "the similarity of the original culture to the host culture is perhaps one of the most important factors of acculturation potential" (p.387). In addition, Searle and Ward (1990) suggest that the greater the degree of cultural distance, the more likely the individual is to experience adjustment problems. Similarly, Furnham and Bochner (1982, cited in Gudykunst & Hammer, 1987) suggest that the more similar the host and native culture, the less difficulty new arrivals will experience. As Hong Kong culture is different from that of Australia, there are more barriers to adaptation and more difficulties to be overcome. Hong Kong migrants should make an effort to be aware of the differences between the values held by Australians and Hong Kong Chinese which can facilitate understanding and improved interactions with locals. The acceptance and taking on of Australian values will also enable acculturation and adaptation. According to Hofstede (1980), there are systematic differences with regard to the values about power and inequality, individual and group relations, masculinity and femininity, and ways of dealing with uncertainties in life. Australia and Hong Kong differ in most of these values, with the exception of the masculinity-femininity index where both scored similarly. Hong Kong Chinese culture is categorised as high in power distance, low to medium in uncertainty avoidance and low in individualism, while Australian culture is low in power distance and high in both uncertainty avoidance and individualism. Power distance is defined as "the extent to which the less powerful members of an institution and organisation within a country expect and accept that power is distributed unequally" (Hofstede, 1991, p.28). It describes the distance between individuals at different levels of hierarchy. Hong Kong is ranked high in power distance, and the Chinese are described to be more dependent on superiors and unlikely to approach and contradict them directly. They do not question their superiors’ orders and usually expect to be told what to do. Australians, on the other hand, have limited dependence on their superiors and tend to readily approach and contradict them. Australians do not necessarily accept orders at face value, instead, want to know why they should be followed. Australians are more informal and have little use for rituals; therefore, employees may resent mangers who exercise too much authority, or those who separate themselves from the crowd. The dimension of "individualism-collectivism" describes the relations between individuals and their fellows. Individualism refers to the tendency to be more concerned with one’s own needs, goals and interests whereas collectivism refers to the tendency to be more concerned with the group’s needs, goals and interests. Cultures high in individualism tend to emphasise the importance of "I" identity while collectivistic cultures tend to emphasise group membership and the "we". An individualistic society such as Australia is one in which ties between individuals are loose and everyone is expected to look out for themselves. Employees are expected to act according to their own interest, therefore, work in Australia should be organised in such a way that self interest and employer’s interest coincide (Hofstede, 1991). Management in the workplace involves the management of individuals rather than of groups, and subordinates are given incentives according to their individual performance and not group performance. In a collectivistic society like that of Hong Kong, people from birth onwards are integrated into cohesive groups which, throughout their lifetime, protect them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty. Hong Kong Chinese then tend to have tight relationships with their families, and remain loyal to their company. According to Bond (1987, cited in Hofstede, 1991), collectivism in the Asian sense means filial piety and patriotism. While collectivistic cultures like Hong Kong endorse the "public criticism" rule by avoiding public confrontations and negative criticisms of another person, Australians are more open and direct (Gudykunst & Ting-Toomey, 1988). Ting-Toomey (1988) refers to "face" as the projected image of one’s self in a relational situation, and notes that it is defined by the participants in a setting. She argues that members of individualistic cultures use direct face negotiations while people in collectivistic cultures tend to avoid confrontation and use indirect negotiation strategies. Similarly, Weisz, Rothbaum and Blackburn (1984, cited in Cross, 1995) argue that in individualistic cultures, taking direct action, confronting others and speaking up in one’s own behalf is the preferred means of addressing a problem. Australians tend to come to the point quickly and rarely talk around a subject. They don’t shy away from debate and confrontation is more the norm. According to the English Teaching Forum (1985, cited in Storti, 1990), Australians are more apt to be interested in people who disagree with them as it is a basis for lively conversation. This "individualism-collectivism" dimension is comparable to Hall’s (1976, cited in Caputo, Hazel & McMahon, 1997) continuum of high and low context cultures. Australia is a low context culture in which people are more verbally expressive and require clear and unambiguous communication, while Hong Kong migrants are from a high context culture in which the people tend to speak less and are more indirect. The latter rely much more on facial expressions and personal "vibes" to get the message across. Referring to Hall’s (1984) study of cultural differentiations in time use, Hecht, Andersen and Ribeau (1989) suggest that individualistic cultures follow monochronic patterns in which one thing is done at a time. On the other hand, collectivistic cultures follow polychronic patterns in which many events are scheduled simultaneously. More practically, Triandis, Brislin and Hui (1988) suggest several ways for people from collectivistic cultures to interact with individualistic others: to pay more attention to the individual’s beliefs and attitudes rather than the group to which the individual belongs; to learn to expect others to be competitive rather than cooperative; to get to the point as there is no need for ceremonies; not to expect to receive respect simply because of age or family name; and lastly, to avoid behaviors extremely superior or subordinate and to expect more horizontal rather than vertical relationships. As suggested by the then Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1986), "most people in Australia think of themselves as your equal...the garbage collector, the taxi driver expect to get some respect from you" (p.149). Hofstede’s (1991) "uncertainty avoidance" index is defined as " the extent to which the members of a culture feel threatened by uncertain or unknown situations" (p.113). Australia scores high on this index, suggesting that Australians have a need for predictability. On the other hand, Hong Kong scores much lower, which implies that its people do not have a need for formal rules. Uncertainty avoidance is applicable to understanding differences in how strangers are treated. People in high uncertainty avoidance cultures like Australia will try to avoid ambiguity, therefore, develop rules and rituals for virtually every possible situation in which they may find themselves. When Australians interact strangers in a situation where the rules are unclear, they may ignore the strangers and treat them as thought they do not exist (Gudykunst & Kim, 1992). Australians are then less prone to take risks and have a higher fear of failure than those from cultures such as Hong Kong. With an understanding of the differing values held by Australians, Hong Kong migrants will be able to appropriate their behavior to better adapt, and interact more effectively with locals. Expanding social networks to include local Australians is another important factor for successful adaptation. MAKING NEW FRIENDS WITH AUSTRALIANS Increased communication is crucial to the acculturation process. Through communication, migrants can adapt and relate to the new environment in addition to acquiring a sense of belonging in various social groups on which they will depend. One learns how to communicate by communicating (Kim, 1988), therefore, migrants should be encouraged to increase their interaction with locals in order to learn more about their new home as well as better adapt. According to Kim (1991), an immigrant with a predominantly ethnic interpersonal network can be considered less adapted and competent than those whose associates are primarily members of the host culture. Similarly, Redmond and Bunyi (1993) suggest that the ability to integrate into the social network of the host culture plays a significant role in how well the immigrant copes with stress. Social networking and relationships with host nationals increases the migrant’s ability to predict and explain their behavior, thereby reduces the anxiety and stress experienced (Gudykunst & Hammer, 1987). Migrants, however, may have a tendency to stay with friends and family and never venture forth in the host culture. They may be motivated to avoid intercultural interactions because there is much ambiguity when communicating with people from a different culture who do not share the same communication rules. Gudykunst and Kim (1992) point out that with strangers, one has to work significantly harder to reduce ambiguities than with familiar people. Kim (1978) studied Korean immigrants that settled in Chicago and found that ethnic identification in the early stages of acculturation is high, and that there was much more involvement with one’s own ethnic group than with the host culture. Initially, this tight relationship can help to provide support and reduce stress. Cross (1995) suggests that friendships with host country nationals provide the opportunity to learn more about the culture, to gain more practical information and to develop social skills. Within their own ethnic communities, new migrants can receive help from the more adapted migrants to find housing and jobs, and for information and advice; however, Jin Kim (1980, cited in Dodd 1987) argues that "a strong network of ethnic relationships in the early stages tends to reduce acculturation" (p.208). Likewise, Moghaddam et al. (1993) suggest that social networks of conationals can prevent the development of close relations with those from the host culture and they are also likely to prevent adjustment to the new culture. Migrants that communicate more with those from the host culture will be more acculturated and adapt more quickly than those who keep predominantly a same ethnic social network. Katz (1974, cited in Dyal & Dyal, 1981) finds that networks of more acculturated migrants are more loosely knit and cosmopolitan in orientation. Hong Kong migrants should then try to interact and communicate more with local Australians because even a single close Australian friend can result in fewer difficulties for the newcomer to adjust (Sellitiz & Cook, 1962 cited in Moghaddam et al., 1993). Taft’s (1966, cited in Taft, 1987) study of immigrants’ adaptation in Australia shows that social participation with local Australians leads to more acculturation. Sharp (1992) suggests for new migrants to make an effort to meet Australians by joining some of their activities such as nature walking groups, the local church or Neighborhood Watch committee. Membership in social gatherings arranged by local Ethnic Communities Councils may also encourage new friendships with Australians and others from different cultural backgrounds. The use of Australian mass media is also able to help migrants learn more about their new environment and facilitate adaptation. USING AUSTRALIAN MASS MEDIA Hong Kong migrants should be encouraged to use Australian mass media on a regular basis, instead of only watching television programs and movies from Hong Kong. The increased use of Australian rather than Chinese mass media will not only provide common topics for discussion with host nationals, but can also help Hong Kong migrants learn more about Australia, thereby facilitate adaptation and acculturation. In addition, for those who find it too stressful to communicate face-to-face with strangers, mass media provides an alternative channel through which migrants can absorb some elements of the host culture. According to Sharp (1992), would-be migrants should consider reading the Australian press for at least a year before they make their move. Kim (1977) suggests that local newspapers, magazines, and TV news are particularly functional for adaptation when compared to other media that are entertainment-oriented. However, an interest in Australian entertainment such as arts and sports programs can also help migrants’ assimilation. An important factor underlying both increased communication with locals and the use of mass media is competence in the language spoken in Australia. HOST LANGUAGE COMPETENCE Taft (1987) posits
that a minimal degree of the ability to speak the language is a prerequisite
for social interaction with the host group. The ability to speak, read,
listen to and understand the the English spoken in Australia is critical
to the cultural adaptation process.
Kraschen (1981, cited in Kim, 1988) suggests that the use of ethnic language may interfere with the acquisition of the host language, and that first language users are more likely to "fall back" on old knowledge when they have not acquired enough of the new language (p.122). From the data gathered in 1986 Australian census, Chinese is the third largest non-English language spoken in Australia after Italian and Greek. Most migrants from Hong Kong speak Chinese at home as language has always been an important aspect of the Chinese identity. According to Kee (1988), the extent of Chinese language maintenance among Hong Kong persons in Australia was 97.8%. However, most are competent in speaking English as the majority of Hong Kong migrants arriving in Australia in 1995 were professionals, paraprofessionals, managers and administrators (McMillen, 1996). With British colonial rule for over 155 years, English is taught as a second language in schools and is widely used amongst most businesses. For migrants who are not fluent in the language, they must make an effort by joining English-speaking classes made available through local organisations. Although language may not be a barrier for every migrant from Hong Kong, it is necessary for them to acquire a basic understanding of the Australian accent and slangs. LEARNING THE ACCENT AND SLANGS Scott and Scott (1989)
studied the adaptation of migrants to Australia and found that culture
skills after migration including English vocabulary and the knowledge of
Australian slang correlated positively with migrants’ social assimilation
and self confidence. In addition, not learning these variations in the
language may result in much miscommunication. The Australian accent is
somewhat different from the English that is normally heard in Hong Kong
and can pose a problem for many newcomers. According to Aussie Slang
(1996), the Australian accent is the Queen’s English "with a slight nasal
twang". It may take some time for the adult migrant to become fluent in
"strine", an approximation of how the word "Australian" sounds coming out
of an Australian’s mouth (Sharp, 1992). It can be confusing for the new
migrant in Australia where "today" is pronounced "to die", and "Hay Street"
is pronounced "High Street". The following is a personal anecdote which
shows that misunderstandings can arise from not understanding the accent:
Hong Kong migrants should also be aware that Australians like to reduce
words to their diminutive form, hence "breakkie" for "breakfast", "rego"
for "car registration", "maccas" for "MacDonald’s" and "garbo" for "garbage
collector". Another problem is that Australians have many slang words that
are not heard elsewhere in the world. For example, someone "carked it"
means they died, "pull your head in, mate" is asking someone to mind their
own business, a "dag" is someone who’s awful in some way, "tucker" means
food, and an "ockker" or "yobbo" is someone uncultured (Larry’s Aussie
Slang and Phrase Dictionary, 1997). Increased interaction with locals and
the use of Australian mass media over time can facilitate migrants’ understanding
and use of these variations.
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