Subject: Chinoy interview
The Nation
Thur, April 3 1997

Witness to History

CNN's bureau chief for Hong Kong has been kicking around the
Middle Kingdom for nearly a quarter century. Recently in Bangkok
to promote his new book, Mike Chinoy sat down with Jim Fahn
to discuss the country he covers and the role his network has
played in shaping global events.

   I didn't get into journalism to make American foreign policy," says
   Mike Chinoy. ''I got into journalism because it's an interesting way
   to witness history."

   Chinoy has certainly achieved his goal. He was, after all, CNN's
   Beijing bureau chief from 1987 to 1995. But more than that, he became
   a part of history, ''by accident, not by design", he insists.

   As he notes in his new book, China Live: Two Decades in the Heart of
   the Dragon, CNN's ability to provide almost instantaneous coverage of
   breaking events in the time leading up to and during the 1989
   Tiananmen Square massacre made it the major source of information for
   many of the world's top policy-makers as they struggled to come to
   grips with the turmoil in Beijing.

   ''James Lilley, the US ambassador during the crackdown, told me that
   CNN was often well ahead of the embassy's political officers in
   reporting major developments, so much so that policy decisions in
   Washington tended to be driven more by what appeared on CNN than by
   the analyses of the US diplomats on the scene," writes Chinoy in the
   advanced reader's copy of his book. ''Hearing this confirmed my sense
   that CNN had suddenly become a player on the global stage.

   ''It became clear to me that by broadcasting live from the heart of
   the revolution, we had affected the dynamics and momentum of the very
   events we were covering."

   Journalists are increasingly aware of this power, but for Chinoy at
   least, it simply means there is even more pressure to get the story
   right: ''It's become an unfortunate fact that the impact [of your news
   reports] makes you a player," he said during an interview in Bangkok
   on Monday. ''The only thing you can do is to take even greater care
   that what we do is right, and fair and accurate. It's a very delicate
   balancing act."

   Chinoy is therefore careful to maintain a reporter's traditional
   neutrality when discussing the current situation in China. ''My bias
   is against simplicity ­ even though that's what you need in news
   coverage ­ because the reality is too complicated, too paradoxical."

   One major paradox he identifies is the situation in Hong Kong, where
   he is now CNN's bureau chief. Chinoy reckons the handover will go
   relatively smoothly. There are likely to be some demonstrations, he
   says, but the journalists may actually end up outnumbering the
   protesters.

   ''The city does not look like it is heading for the dustbin of
   history," he says, borrowing a phrase from Trotsky. But, he warns,
   ''China will happily kill the goose that lays the golden eggs if it
   threatens the Communist Party's hold on power. They don't want to,
   they don't intend to but ... the history of China is littered with
   dead geese."

   He identifies two questions that are crucial to the city's future.
   Firstly, Chinoy wonders whether the new political structure will
   pressure the press and rig the rules for next year's legislative
   elections to the point where the Democrats ­ a popular, liberal party
   ­ will not be able to win the number of seats they are expected to.

   As important, he adds, is that the business climate may change if
   ''the Chinese rules" take hold. Vital economic information may become
   confidential, and disputes may eventually be settled on the basis of
   which company has the best political connections (guanxi). Partly for
   this reason, companies from the mainland are already starting to throw
   their weight around the colony.

   To make matters even more complicated, says Chinoy, there are at least
   four parallel centres of power shaping up in Hong Kong: Xinhua (the
   New China News Agency), the Chinese Foreign Ministry, the general
   commanding the People's Liberation Army, and Tung Chee-hwa, Hong
   Kong's chief administrator-in-waiting.

   Chinoy also refuses to take sides in the bitter debates surrounding
   the West's policies toward China. The question of whether foreign countries
   should engage China (or Burma for that matter) or punish it for its human rights
   abuses was dangled before him, but he refused to rise to the bait.

   ''I think the Communist Party is actually going to be around for a
   while, presiding over a very different China. The party itself is very
   different. Its ideology is meaningless. Its interests are staying in
   power, enriching itself and keeping the economic boom going at a
   sufficiently intense rate to buy acquiescence from the population."

   Chinoy agrees there is a possibility the party may evolve into
   something like the Kuomintang in Taiwan or the People's Action Party
   in Singapore, but warns that its socialist ideology has been replaced
   by nationalism ­ ''a volatile brew given China's history of xenophobia".

   ''There's no automatic guarantee that economic openness will lead to
   political openness. [But] I do think it will lead to a more generally
   open society ­ if you define it in the degree to which the state
   messes about with the lives of the people.

   ''Exposure to outside influences is profoundly subversive to the
   things the West most dislikes. It has eroded the Communist Party's
   ability to control people's lives.

   ''China is unbelievably more open and the people are much freer, than
   they were 15 years ago, although not politically," says Chinoy, a
   former student radical who first went to China in 1973, eager to view
   the achievements of socialism. ''The state doesn't tell you what
   clothes to wear [any more]. You can travel much more freely. You can
   go into business for yourself. You can get rich. You can watch MTV,
   or CNN," he adds with a laugh.

   ''The economic reforms have their own internal logic: They will
   eventually have to have a legal system that can regulate [the
   economy]. At the moment they don't, they're betwixt and between ...
   If they don't deal with that, it will become like grit in the gears.

   ''I think China is too big and too rural for a Western-style democracy
   to become a likelihood," he concludes. ''[But] to see it purely as a
   decaying dictatorship with no other elements [is a mistake]."

   Yes, but this is a misperception fed by the mass media itself,
   although Chinoy defends CNN's efforts to paint a broader picture of
   the country.

   ''The China story is a process, not an event. 'Process' makes for bad
   television; events make for good television. So we've had to bend
   over backwards to convey snapshots of the process," he argues.

   Chinoy describes CNN itself as a ''work in progress".

   ''We went on the air in 1980 and haven't gone off since," he points
   out. ''It's the newscast that never ends."

   One of the main reasons he decided to write a book ­ along with the
   need to sum up his near quarter of a century's worth of experience in
   the Middle Kingdom ­ was to ''explain the process of news-gathering,
   especially in a place like China". You might call it meta-news.

   ''I kept meeting people who asked what it was like to be a reporter
    in China, and I think it's important for people to become more
   sophisticated viewers," he says.

   One of the book's most endearing qualities is Chinoy's willingness to
   admit when he was wrong. Nor does he shy away from accepting
   criticism of CNN, for instance when people complain that it lacks the in-depth
   analysis of news services such as the BBC.

   ''I have respect for the BBC; analysis has been their forte," he says.
   ''CNN has made its name from breaking news. When it hits the fan,
   we're there faster. But the critics have a point, and that's been recognised
   by our programme changes. We're much better than we were five years ago."

   New half-hour shows such as Insight and Q&A are designed to offer more
   detailed coverage of particular issues, he explains. The trend toward
   regionalisation ­ providing different feeds for Asia and Europe, for
   example ­ may also help.

   ''You can never satisfy everyone," he adds. ''The debates over sports
   programming, for instance, have been legendary. Do you lead with
   baseball or cricket?"

   He encourages viewers to to write in with their comments. ''We take
   feedback very seriously. There are no Nielsen [TV] ratings in, say,
   Greece. So we often have to rely on anecdotal evidence."

   As for Chinoy himself, expect to continue seeing him on CNN news
   reports: ''I'll be in Hong Kong until the end of the century. I like
   being a field reporter ... The first time I met Ted Turner, he
   introduced me, not as a guy who's moving up in the organisation, but
   [as] a guy moving around," he laughs.

   CNN is probably happy to have Chinoy right where he is. After all, his
   work in Beijing (where he was aided by a hard-working team of
   journalists including Bangkok bureau chief Tom Mintier) not only
   affected China, but also radically changed CNN's prospects. Thanks to
   its Tiananmen coverage, the network went from being an interesting
   experiment to a global news-gathering tour de force.

   And considering China's uncertain future, don't be surprised if Chinoy
   has the opportunity to make history again.

   China Live: Two Decades in the Heart of the Dragon (Turner Publishing
   Inc) retails for Bt395; available at Bookazine stores.
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