This page has three
sections; home; family and; work. It is an early draft on
the subject. More will follow as I get it written.
With the introduction of
new technologies such as the Internet, e-mail and fax
machines it has once again become practical, as it was
before the industrial revolution, to work at home. Many
families, a growing segment of the American society, are
currently exploring this rediscovered possibility of
integrating work with family in the home (Gerstel &
Gross 1987: 1, 8, 13; Goldschneider & Waite 1991: 3).
Thus, with more and more people making the home a place
to work, it becomes important to study how people make
family and work space coexist in the home. It is
essential to study this change in family and home life
because, as stated by numerous social scientists, changes
in the home lead to changes in society; the values and
morals of a society are taught and embedded in the home
(Bateson 1996; Clark 1987: xv; Gullestad 1992: 66-67, 81,
87; Goldschneider & Waite 1991: 6; Stacey 1990:
6-7).
Home: According to
Gullestad (1992: 64), Americans not only live in houses,
they have homes and the two words are not synonymous.
While the house is just a building, the home has symbolic
and practical meaning. The home is the frame for the
inhabitant's lives (ibid.: 62). Clark analyzes the change
of meanings attributed to the home over time through
research of diaries, letters, manuals, and plan-books
(Clark 1987: xiv, 238). He begins at the Industrial
Revolution and attributes the birth of the idea "family
home as more then a house" to the newly emerging
middle-class of the 1800's (ibid.: xi). The family home
came to be seen as a "heaven in a heartless world" (Lasch
1977); family became equated with home (Clark 1987: xi).
In the 1840's the ideal family home ideally provided the
stability that a changing and fast growing society could
not. The home was to be the place where a man found the
support and strength which he brought with him to the
public world. Family and home were also the ideals which
society could be measured against (ibid.: xi, 238).
At the end of the
nineteenth century the emphasis had shifted from home as
a man's haven to a place where women could be creative.
After the turn of the century the emphasis was on
improved health and after World War II the well being
that one was to find in the home was expanded to include
psychological well-being (Clark 1987: 240; Gullestad
1992: 81). The home became the "locus of individuality,"
as well as a statement of one's taste and standing in
society (Clark 1987: xii, xiv-xv, 238; Gullestad 1992:
79, 91).
There is a strong
connection between home and society. As Clark (1987) and
Coontz (1992) has shown, it is not only the family and
home that influences society's morals and values, the
morals and values (and technological development) in
society also reflect back on the family and the
home.
Family: In the
United States the family ideal up until the late 1980's
was a home with one mother, one father and one or more
children (Busch 1990: 2-3). As easily noted through media
this ideal family is currently changing. Stacey (1990)
focuses on how women manage these new postmodern families
(Stacey 1990: 17-18) . Television programs do so also.
Sitcoms such as Something So Right, Step By
Step, and Hjem til fem explore themes related
to "brought together families," and articles in women's
magazines such as Cosmopolitan, Woman's World and,
Better Homes & Gardens focus on how women can
juggle a career and a family.
However, work is still
placed outside the home and the family so where there is
a tendency to equate home and family there still is a
strong division between family and work (Busch 1990: 3;
Coontz 1992: 28; Gullestad 1992: 64). This division is
historical. It became apparent in the nineteenth century
when industrialization channeled men and not women into
the labor market (Stacey 1990: 8). That ensured that
women were economically dependent on husbands and made
husbands dependent on a wife "for moral support,
maintenance of their home, and the upbringing of their
children" (Gerstel & Gross 1987: 13). That division
allocated certain meanings to the home and certain to the
outside (Gullestad 1992: 66-67, 81).
Work: In studies of
the spatiality between home and work there are two major
branches; (1) Studies of work in the home and; (2)
Studies of home and work. Though there is a big
difference in focus, there is a general agreement on the
importance of the historical changes in both the
nineteenth century when home and work were separated and
in the twentieth century when women started to enter the
work force in large numbers (Gerstel & Gross 1987: 8,
13; Goldschneider & Waite 1991: 3; Stacey 1990: 7-8).
Studies of the first branch, work in the home, focuses on
industrial home workers and native crafts people (Goody
1982; Lamphere 1993; Nash 1993). Studies of the second
branch, home and work, examine the home and workplace as
two separate spaces with little interaction (Nippert-Eng
1996; Zussman 1985, 1987). However, it is these studies
of home and work which are interesting because they look
at the distinction between home and work as well as what
it means to the family and worker. Nippert-Eng writes of
clashes between spouses due to perceptions of
distinctions between home and work. Her research suggests
that the distinction between home and work is not
culturally homogeneous, but instead learned in the
family(Nippert-Eng 1996: 246-266). Gerstel and Gross
(1987) argue that instead of focusing on defining home
and work as distinctive categories, the researcher should
study the interlocking of home and work and how the two
are related in everyday life (ibid.: 7). While this may
be so the possibility of working in the home is a
relatively new idea for most American families and I find
it difficult not to focus on the distinction between the
two as it is something negotiated. It is a conscious
change for the families making the change.