(Explained in my February 5, 1988 registered letter to John J. Phelan, Jr.,
then-CHAIRMAN AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, NEW YORK
STOCK EXCHANGE:)
...In reference to the contents of my March 31, 1986 statement to A.W. Clausen, please bear
in mind that the Sandinista revolution took place the year after i did the groundwork for
"The Caribbean Basin Initiative".
3.
What opposition to the Reagan policy you may perceive here is basically characteristic of
all such criticism as i've expressed in total.
Reiterating it briefly as expressed to date, it results from five main considerations.
One, i described honestly in the summary of my "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct
basis" given around Christmas to P.W. Botha how i came to do the 1978 work laying foundations
for the C.B.I.
There were expectations that efforts by the popular entertainers to encourage donations to
agencies that would help the world's needy should be followed by improved and expanded
governmental programs--and a better climate for private sector investments in the developing
world.
A number of the entertainers i contacted in 1978 have since been active in the movement to
prevent the U.S. from beginning a Vietnam-like "action" against Nicaragua.
My decision was that it would be highly unethical to suggest in any way that the carefully
documented 1978 plans for roles by the popular entertainers to (allegedly) appeal for popular
support on behalf of charities--were really designed to lay foundations for a military
operation.
Those 1978 documents actually substantiate that in the course of continuing and completing
the "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct basis," it was immediately agreed that i
should strenuously avoid applying "militarism" to any elements of the work and its goals that
need not be.
Two, copies of certain of these particular documents were submitted to the Vatican so this
would be established and understood beyond reproach.
Three (relating to condition two here), it happens that the past Moderator of the United
Church of Canada (the Church i was originally confirmed in), the Very Reverend Robert Smith
of Vancouver, was one of Canada's observers to the 1984 Nicaragua elections.
Being in the same city, we've spoken a number of times about U.S. policy re Latin America.
He believes the 1984 elections were "legitimate."
And he believes the American policy re Nicaragua is wrong.
As you may readily understand, Mr. Phelan, if i'm forced to choose whether the past Moderator
of the Christian Church i was confirmed in or the leader of the "Irangate" conspirators is the
one being honest to me and "all of us" about conditions in Nicaragua and Latin America, with
certain qualifications--i agree that the Sandinistas should do more to broaden and reinforce
their government's "commitment" to "democratic values" and institutions--i think the answer i'd
have to choose is immediately obvious.
And i personally dislike that my friend Bob Smith and i have been barely able to speak
civilly to one another because of my tenuous association with the Reagan policy. (We spoke
most recently on January 26, 1988, and i believe he now is beginning to understand how much--
and why--he misunderstood my real role in this field.)
I frankly can't imagine siding with people who rape nuns and murder foreign aid workers over
respected members of the Christian clergy, Mr. Phelan.
Stop helping
Contras,
UN asks U.S.
Associated Press Four, relating to all other reasons stated, is what
UNITED NATIONS--For the is suggested by the affixation on this page.
second year in a row, the United I remain responsible for the SENIOR ADVISER TO
Nations General Assembly has THE YEAR OF THE CHILD authority beyond however
approved a resolution calling on the President Reagan may ultimately choose to respond
United States to stop helping to my authority on behalf of the American
Nicaraguan rebels. authorities.
Vernon Walters, U.S. ambassador
to the UN, told the assembly Nicara- And five, going back to the affixations on page 1.
gua's resolution was "an irrelevant here and the document copies also enclosed--that
aside to the peace process now well honestly reflect the original basis of understanding
under way in Central America." i had when i agreed to do the work in and beyond
The resolution approved Thurs- 1978--well, i frankly think "militarizing" something
day calls on the U.S. to comply with a it seems doesn't have to be--given 1987 Nobel Peace
World Court order that Washington Laureate Oscar Arias' peace plan having considerable
end support for the Contras. The potential and support to achieve a "legitimate"
159-member world body passed a agreement short of seeing the deaths of more innocent
similar resolution Nov. 3, 1988. people, possibly including young Americans--is a
The measure was adopted 94-2, questionable policy security-wise and in terms of
with 48 abstentions. Syria said it popular opinion...and sounds like bad economics.
intended to vote in favor, but
couldn't because of a technical prob- It reminds me of Pretoria's apparent reaction(s) to
lem in the voting apparatus. Last my December 16, 1987 submission to P.W. Botha.
year's tally was 94-3 in favor, with 47
abstentions.
The World Court ruled June 27,
1986, that U.S. aid to the rebels vio-
lates international law and should
be stopped. <-November 13, 1987 Vancouver Sun5. 5.
"...Just before i left Ottawa in December, 1982 to return to Vancouver, i resumed preparation
of reports addressed to all the living men who have held the office of U.S. President--a
practice begun in 1978, with Jimmy Carter's approval, so we could have a genuine American
political bipartisanship represented by the "International Diplomatic Work...on a direct
basis." In a supplemental statement for the four men included with my December 23, 1982
report addressed to Presidents Reagan, Carter, Ford, and Nixon, i reminded them
of opinions expressed during the inaugural addresses of Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter,
and Ronald Reagan to the American people and world. What i reminded them of in
President Reagan's case was the following:
'...let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination,
our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope. We
have every right to dream heroic dreams...
'As for the enemies of freedom, to those who are potential adversaries, they
will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.
We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--
now or ever...
'...The crisis we are facing today does not require the kind of sacrifice
that...so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does, however,
require our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and in
our capacity to perform great deeds. To believe that together and with God's
help we can and will resolve the problems that confront us.
'And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans.'
I believe i understand why you didn't address your December 28, 1987 letter to me on the basis
of the two authorities invested in my name since 1978. Presumably Washington and Ottawa will
figure it out so i won't have to go through another judicial process that won't affect the
credibility of my statements/"International Diplomatic Work...on a direct basis" regardless
of any decision rendered by a court.
Still, i don't want you misled if shortly there are dubiously motivated reactions by
Washington to my January 14, 1988 statement to U.S. SENATE MINORITY LEADER and Republican
Party Presidential candidate Bob Dole--though i doubt any will come from the man directly.
I have made numerous submissions to Bob Dole since 1978, and he was aware at that time of
what i was doing and what were the work's goals; as stated to Botha.
So, in reference to the brief remark on page 3. of my present statement to Jimmy Carter,
of his administration's NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER's office calling me (to Toronto) in 1980,
i draw your attention to the following statement by Ronald Reagan at about the
same time, literally during his October 28, 1980 U.S. Presidential debate with President
Carter--as is referred to President Reagan in my potentially final report as
SPECIAL DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO THE U.S. PRESIDENT, in the segment forwarded c/o Senator Daniel
Inouye in my October 9, 1987 registered letter. Ronald Reagan said:
"America has never gotten in a war because we are too strong.
We can get into a war by letting events get out of hand, as they
have in the last three and a half years, under the foreign policies
of this administration of Mr. Carter's(sic), until we're faced
each time with a crisis. And good management requires that we control
the events and try to intercept before they become a crisis. 6.
But I have seen four wars in my lifetime. I'm a father of sons.
I have a grandson. I don't ever want to see another generation of
young Americans bleed their lives into sandy beachheads in the Pacific
or rice paddies and jungles in Asia or the muddy, bloody battlefields
of Europe.'
I personally listened to the debate, and at that time thought that Governor Reagan
may have had some knowledge that there could be public awareness at anytime of
the work i had done in 1978 (that had been referred to his attention also) because of
reports that the American hostages in Iran were about to be released. I further assumed
that these remarks by Ronald Reagan were intended to assure me he recalled the original
work, and disputed whether President Carter had done enough beyond it to respond to
the original goals and "concerns."
But i could be wrong in such an interpretation.
It's up to President Reagan and President Carter to explain what they did.
The authorities in my name do exist."
"...This issue might never have arisen if President Reagan had taken the time to explain
to the public that my work in the field was not "militarism"-minded as was that of
Lt.-Col. Oliver North and his peers."
"...Perhaps to close i can point out one further thing the present U.S. President said in past,
as referred to Canadian journalist Peter Worthington in my September 25, 1987 statement
to him. I think you should consider it in relation to the second attachment here and the first
element of attachment a).
These Reagan speech excerpts, by the way, i believe are based upon my 1978 brief proposing
"The Caribbean Basin Initiative".
According to the September 24, 1980 New York Times article, 'Some Reagan Quotations Cited',
Ronald Reagan stated on June 4, 1976, re what America could do to encourage an orderly
transition in Rhodesia from minority white rule to black majority rule, that:
"Whether it will be enough to have simply a show of strength,
a promise that we would (suppy) troops or whether you'd have to
go in with occupation forces or not, I don't know."
As i told Mr. Worthington last September:
"I intend to ask him in this final report whether he has similar
thoughts today about Zimbabwe's neighbour, South Africa."
By the way, one of the other places where i found the term "democratic institutions" used
(aside from attachment b) here) was in 'Blind spots I have observed in Canada',
the article Glenn Babb
wrote for the Feb./Mar. '87 edition of Mr. Worthington's Influence magazine.
I remain, as always,
(signature by GORDON C. WONG)
Gordon C. Wong
Incidentally, i put quotation marks around the word "best" in my work chiefly in reference to
the title of Jimmy Carter's first book:
'Why Not The Best?'
To me this is the ultimate question remaining unanswered.
During that 1980 U.S. Presidential debate i quote remarks by Ronald Reagan from earlier here,
President Carter stated:
"I'll always remember that the best weapons are the ones that
are never fired in combat and the best soldier is the one who never
has to lay his life down on the field of battle. Strength is
imperative for peace, but the two must go hand in hand."
Everyone does not know everything about Iran-Contra.
TAKE A FIRST BRIEF SIDESTEP HERE.TAKE A SECOND BRIEF SIDESTEP HERE.TAKE YOUR NEXT FOOTSTEP HERE.
![](/pictures/gc_icon.gif"){kind=icon}
Get your own Free Home Page