In 1854, young Henry Lee Higginson watched in horror as escaped slave Anthony Burns was
dragged through the streets of Boston and transported back into bondage. To his cousin, Charles
Russell Lowell, he vowed, "Charlie, it will come to us to put this right."
Seven years later, the time had come to "put things right," but only a handful of the officers of the 2d Massachusetts Infantry counted slavery among their reasons for going to war. One of them
was Lt. William Dwight Sedgwick, who longed for the day when the United States Government would declare the war to be one of emancipation. He saw slavery as a "curable disease" but worried in January of 1862 that the government did not yet recoginize the fact that slavery had to fall. "I should be glad to have the war last ten years, if it must, so that its end may leave slavery in its death-throes. And I do not propose to abandon the cause while life and strength are spared me; for I believe it to be a holy one, and devised by God, however much unholiness mingles with it, as it mingles with everything involving the joint action of masses of men in this world."
Sedgwick's conviction was that it the United States were to perish, he wished to perish with her. "If slavery were to be successful in this contest, I fear I should be driven into an utter abandonment of all my faith in Providence. But if, for our own sins, we have yet a long and hard struggle before us, I am willing to accept it, so that we work our way through the darkness into the light at last; and I think I could lay down my life cheerfully, if need be, could I but die in the full faith that the final result of the contest would be to plant the system our fathers founded more firmly, and purified from the canker that has corrupted it and endangered its existence."
The ardent Sedgwick held true to his vow and made the ultimate sacrifice for his principles when he was mortally wounded at Antietam, the battle that set in motion the Emancipation Proclamation he had longed to see proclaimed.
Interestingly, Sedgwick's cousin, Maj. Wilder Dwight, believed that the slavery issue should not be made a war issue at all, but must result as a natural consequence of victory on the battlefield. "Keep it back. Say nothing. Let the war continue
to be for the grand purpose which first inspired it, and which has united and quickened a whole people. The inevitable consequence must be the death-wound of slavery; but that is
incidental...not forced."
Capt. Samuel Quincy was more blunt: "We'll thrash the rebels first & attend to the darkies afterwards. We can't do both at once just now." The United States Constitution and the
Union were enough for him to fight for. "Government against rebellion was the platform which had swallowed up all others & on that alone can loyal citizens stand together & conquer--irrespective of party or section. Amen." This attitude, however, did not stop Quincy from
turning a blind eye when he was given orders to let no citizens pass over a bridge he was guarding. Surmising the intent of the order,--to keep refugees from flocking North to freedom--Quincy sat serenely as runaways crossed over the bridge, by twos and threes and even entire families. After all, the erstwhile lawyer argued, the Dred Scott decision was "expressly to the
point" that negroes were not citizens.
For his part, Capt. Edward Abbott was contented if the slaves were liberated as an "accident of war," but to make emancipation a main object should not and could not be permitted.
Why? Because Civil War was "bad enough in it's political aspect without making it social."
Among the regiment's confirmed Abolitionists was its colonel. "The Northern armies are mustering to fight against slavery," George H. Gordon pronounced early in the war.
"Conceal it as you may. John Brown's seed is bearing fruit....The hour has come and the hellish institution must perish." The Army saw things differently and Gordon was obliged to return any runaways that entered his lines if they belonged to loyal Southerners. He did so grudginly and enforced the Fugitive Slave Law as little as possible.
Later, while chasing Stonewall Jackson around the Shenandoah Valley in the spring of 1862, Gordon took at least some satisfaction in setting free every slave that he came across, so that "truly might the slave see the hour of his deliverance and know that the hand of God was moving manifestly upon the waters."
One recipient of Gordon's benevolence was a runaway named Peggy, who found her way into his lines with her son, Polyanthus. She attached herself to his headquarters wherein he gave her
employment as his cook. Peggy remained with Gordon until after the battle of Winchester (25 My 62) when he arranged her passage to Massachusetts to work in the employ of his cousin (and
future wife), Lizzie Scott.
Lt. Charles Morse was no abolitionist, but after witnessing a light-skinned negro given up to a "miserable slave owner" who got him by simply claiming to be a loyal Union man, he
made up his mind then and there "that I never would take a black man to the guard tent if I did break orders."
Morse's reaction was typical of these young white men of comfortable means who had never been touched in any way by the South's cherished institution until the war brought them into contact with slaves.
No doubt frustrated by the Lincoln Administration's refusal to address the slave issue, Gordon hailed John C. Fremont's "Emancipation Proclamation" in Missouri and hoped that it would be followed with "similar proclamations by commanders of all departments." No longer, he declared, would there be to patriotic ears "anything offensive in the word Abolitionist." At last the country was awakened to the "natural wretchedness which comes from the act of
slaveholding" and had "aroused itself to the conviction that we are at war, entirely, totally, earnestly at war." Lt. Robert Shaw expressed his hope that Fremont would not be
interferred with by the government, but Capt. Richard Cary's reaction was more typical of the feeling of his brother officers: "[I]f this had been the object of the war I should not have been here."
Afraid that a great many men shared Cary's opinion and would quit the army were the
emancipation of the slaves to become the policy of the Government--not to mention the potential loss of the loyal slave states--Lincoln rescinded Fremont's
proclamation.
Chaplain Alonzo Hall Quint denied that he was in any way a fanatic on the slavery issue ("I
never even voted a Republican ticket"), but this did not prevent him from condemning the
institution. "The sins of slavery! There are none; it is slavery itself that is the sin. It's
effect on the masters is one of its greatest evils; it perverts the conscience, warps the intellect,
brutalizes the heart. Believe no such nonsense that 'the slaves are contented.' They, with no
noticeable exception, long to be free." Quint appreciated the great irony that had
the slave states remained loyal, slavery would have been protected. "It is now too
late."
Quint did not see the people of the South giving up their cherished institution without a long and bloody fight. "The Southern scoundrels, who deify stealing and lying, have too much at stake to submit, even though they ruin their whole territory. Moreover, slaveholding has trained them to be despots, and despots they will be to the end. It makes men thieves, and they will steal as long as they can. It makes me braggarts, and they will brag on the very brink of destruction....Men may cry 'peace,' but until the removal of slavery is plainly, quietly, constitutionally provided for, whether instant or remote is a small question, there is no peace. Slavery is the root of our troubles, because slavery makes men tyrants, and tyrants thwarted are rebels."
Still, Quint conceded that were slavery made the object of the war "our armies would melt away." The men who answered Lincoln's call were fighting to supress a
rebellion. They were fighting for the flag. They were not fighting for the abolition of
slavery. "So far as the army feels, slavery is not a prominent theme or thought."
One day early in 1862, an incident occured that had a profound influence upon the hearts and
minds of the officers of the 2nd Massachusetts. While waiting for a ferry to be repaired, they were
lounging on the grass when they were approached by a half dozen blacks, who were curious to
see the Northern soldiers who had come to "liberate" them. Among them was a white man with
two boys.
"That's a white slave," remarked Lt. Harry Russell.
Their interest aroused, the officers called the man over and asked him his trade.
"Nothing, Sir, but working in the field under another man."
As they spent an hour or taling talking with the man, Lt. Robert Gould Shaw was struck by the
man's intelligence and eloquence. "He said he had nine children all whiter than the two boys
with him. Some one asked if any of them were ever sold. He said no--& that often when he
looked round at his children sitting about him, he thought of other Fathers and Mothers crying for
theirs he felt how kind God had been to him. 'Yes,' he said, 'taking away my children from we
would be the same as if a man should tear out my heart,' and he thrust his hand inside his vest,
'and throw it down & stomp on it.'"
Upon questioning, the man admitted that his father was also his Master and that "it had often
been a bitter pill to swallow when he had been badly treated by him to think that it was so. He
said it was 'like having a fork stick in him."
The interview ended with Capt. George Bangs gave the man some advice on getting to the North,
but its effects upon the white officers was far reaching. Capt. Richard Goodwin, who had hitherto
considered himself on the pro-slavery side of the issue, was so moved by the meeting that he
wrote home: "...I really begin to feel now that if slavery could be killed at the same time that
the Union is restored that not only we, but the world & the great cause of humanity at large,
would be benefitted & that we should be able to sing our patriotic song about 'the land of the
free & home of the brave' without putting a lie in our mouths every time we sing
it." The day the United States became free from "the sin of slavery," he concluded would be "a bright one in the annals of history."
Shaw's reaction was lukewarm. "I can't see what practical good it can do now.
Wherever our army has been, there remain no slaves, and the Proclamation will not free them
where we don't go." He was more concerned about the reaction the Proclamation would have in
Richmond, where his cousin, Harry Russell, was still a prisoner of war. "Jeff Davis will soon
issue a proclamation threatening to hang every prisoner they take, and will make this a war of
extermination."
His lack of enthusiasm must have triggered a heated response from his parents because he found
himself defending his comments. It wasn't that he thought the Proclamation was not the right
thing to do. As an act of justice, "and to have any real effect, it ought to have been done long
ago," he argued. But as a War measure, he simply saw no immediate benefit , and much of
its moral force "has been lost by our long delay in coming to it."
Charles Morse initially thought that the Proclamation would have little effect on the war, but upon
reflection, decided that it would "set us straight with foreign nations" on the issue.
"It gives us a decided policy, and though the President carefully calls it nothing but a war
measure, yet it is the beginning of a great reform." By calling the Emancipation Proclamation
the "first blow struck at the real, original cause of the war," Morse articulated what
many still refused to acknowledge.
Chaplain Quint hoped that Lincoln would stand firmly behind his bold step and counted only a
few who voiced opposition to the Proclamation, or who deemed servitude the "proper
condition of an 'inferior' race." What a difference a year made! Now that the officers and
men had come into contact with the slaves and witnessed their misery first-hand, it had
"brought about an immense change of opinion as to the character of slavery and the
civilization of the slaveholders." Some supported the Proclamation on the "on the
grounds of decided opposition to all slavery." But the majority, he said, viewed it only as a
military measure and "feel no excited interest in it whatever." Still, no matter how
individuals felt about the Proclamation, "a slave-hunter would be kicked out of our
lines."
The elections of 1863 convinced Quint that the majority of Northern soldiers now acknowledged
that slavery was the true cause of the rebellion. "The army is abolitionized," he
announced, adding that there could and would be no lasting peace until the last vestages of
slavery and the "ruling oligarchy" were stamped out. "I do not say that no peace
ought to be made without the overthrow of slavery; but that no real peace, without it, can be
made." There was only one policy for the United States Government to embrace, and that
was one which declared slavery in any state "contrary to natural right and therefor
unlawful."
In 1864 Capt. Henry Newton Comey proclaimed that he had yet to met a slave "who did not
wish to be free," even those who might have been physically better off had they remained in
bondage. And while recognizing that slavery was "unjust and unnatural," Comey saw
great suffering as the immediate price of freedom. "Future generations will be the gainers, I
hardly think the present will be."
Lt. Col. Charles Morse agreed and ridiculed the notion that "by a stroke of a pen all the horrors of
the late institution" were going to be whiped away. As he watched the hundreds of refugees
swarming to Sherman's army, he predicted "terrible suffering amongst them" for years to come.FREMONT'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATON